Litopys Volyni

VANDALS OR GUARDIANS: THE ORTHODOX CLERGY OF VOLHYNIA IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19TH – EARLY 20TH CENTURIES AND MUSEUM AFFAIRS WITH BUILT HERITAGE CONSERVATION SECTOR

Vitalii Bondarchuk — 2025-11-28

The article attempts to assess the interaction between the Church and museums, as well as the involvement of the Orthodox clergy in museum and heritage conservation activities. The territorial scope of the study is limited to historical Volhynia, and the time frame is the second half of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th century.The source base from the author's personal collection, consisting mainly of decrees of the Volhynian Spiritual Consistory, as well as responses to them from priests of the Ostroh region, sometimes reveals far from pleasant facts about the behaviour of individual clergy members in relation to objects and buildings that were or pretended to be historical and cultural heritage. At the same time, these same sources attest that other representatives of the same clergy played a decisive role in preserving and creating opportunities for research into the aforementioned artefacts and monuments.The details of the clergy's involvement in the formation of the historical and artistic collections of the ancient repository are also considered. The criteria and types of items that the clergy offered to transfer to the museum are highlighted. It is noteworthy that among these were items not only from Orthodox churches, but also of “Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church origin”.It has been established that the clergy subordinate to the Volyn Spiritual Consistory participated in financing the creation of the Volyn ancient repository in Zhytomyr, i.e. a museum. At the same time, they sometimes did so voluntarily.The amounts of money collected for this cause by individual parishes and how they were rewarded for this by the church leadership are demonstrated. At the same time, the paper highlighted egregious cases of negligent and destructive behaviour by the clergy towards architectural objects that pretended to be historical and cultural monuments. These buildings were both secular and ecclesiastical. It was determined that such cases of vandalism by the clergy were recorded both in the second half of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century. Priests were also often unaware of the historical value of church interior items that could have been added to the museum's collection.

ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL HISTORY OF VOLYN IN THE PAGES OF JAKUB GOFMAN'S ‘VOLYN YEARBOOK’ (1930–1939)

Halyna Maleonchuk — 2025-11-28

The article analyses publications related to the ancient and medieval history of Volyn, featured on the pages of the «Volyn Yearbook» (Rocznik Wołyński). Between 1930 and 1939, eight volumes of the magazine were published, edited by the renowned Polish local historian, ethnologist, and organizer of research on history and historical bibliography, Jakub Hoffman. The magazine was founded with the support of the Volyn District Office of the Polish Society of General School Teachers, and was primarily intended for teachers of the Volyn Voivodeship.Fourteen studies focus on the ancient and medieval history of Volyn, making up just over fifteen percent of the material published in the «Volyn Yearbook» during the 1930s. The articles address various topics, including archaeology, the history of Rus’, the Volyn-Galician state, and the status of the Volyn lands within the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Separate groups of research are the analysis of documentary sources and cartography, highlighting the history of individual architectural monuments (foundations of the church over the Luha River, the Dormition Cathedral, the St. Basil Church-rotunda in Volodymyr; Franciscan monasteries in Korets and Mezhyrichy Ostrozki), the history of religious processes in the Volyn region in the Middle Ages. In particular, a review of the history of Protestantism in Volyn in the 16th–17th centuries by Alexander Kossovsky and research on the history of the Orthodox Church in Volyn between 992 and 1596 by K. Khodynytsky, in the text of which special attention is paid to the controversy surrounding the adoption of the Union of Brest, which was active among Volyn residents. The main theses of these articles, and the sources for their writing, are presented. The authors of the texts were Poles from Kraków, Warsaw, Gdansk, Lublin, Toruń, and Lviv.

MODERN TRENDS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF SACRED WOODCARVING AND PAINTING IN HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS OF PRYKARPATTIA

Ihor Pylypiv — 2025-11-28

The article reveals the peculiarities of the formation and development of fine and decorative-applied arts in Prykarpattia, in particular sacred woodcarving and painting, in chronological sequence. The aim of the article is to analyze the creative work and artistic achievements of prominent masters of Ivano-Frankivsk region in the field of sacred woodcarving and painting from the beginning of the 20th century to the present day, as well as to consider their contributions in the training of students in higher education institutions of Prykarpattia.The creative work and artistic achievements of prominent Prykarpattia masters in sacred woodcarving and painting from the early 20th century to the present are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to the revival of authentic national motifs. Through the example of individual artists’ activities, the article demonstrates modern achievements in icon painting, decorative carving, and artistic decoration of sacred architectural structures. It is noted that the legacy of each of these masters today represents a unique phenomenon which, through the prism of the author’s creative concept, reveals the artistic features of the era in Prykarpattia. Examples of artistic projects distinguished by high craftsmanship and individual style are provided.Special attention is given to the continuity of traditions, in particular the transmission of knowledge and practical skills from master to student. The history of the establishment and development of professional art education in Prykarpattia is presented – primarily the activities of the Kosiv State Institute of Decorative Arts and the Educational and Scientific Institute of Arts of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University. The article highlights the educational and creative activities of the teaching staff of these higher education institutions and outlines institutional measures aimed at creating a favorable environment for the formation of professional artistic collectives. In this way, a historical narrative is built that reflects the evolution of artistic traditions in the context of national culture and educational policy.

THE LIFE OF YOSYP FEDOROVYCH TYUBAI (DUBOVYI): LEADER OF THE KAMIN-KASHYRSKYI DISTRICT OUN UNIT

Liudmyla Pinchuk — 2025-11-28

Biographical studies play a crucial role in exploring the history of the Ukrainian liberation movement. They offer a comprehensive understanding of individuals and their contributions to the struggle for national independence, helping to preserve their names in scholarly discourse and restore historical justice by dismantling the myths imposed by the Soviet totalitarian regime regarding their alleged «negative» activities.This article examines the life of one of Volyn’s fighters of the 1940s–1950s liberation movement – Yosyp Fedorovych Tyubai, known by the nom de guerre «Dubovyi» – as well as the fate of his family, who suffered persecution as a result of his involvement. Tyubai was a member of the OUN cell in the village of Oblapy, Kovel District, during the German-Nazi occupation of Volyn, and an active participant in the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). After the end of the German-Soviet War, he became the district leader of the Kamin-Kashyrskyi OUN unit. In the summer of 1948, he was appointed head of the Kamin-Kashyrskyi supra-district OUN structure.Archival sources on this topic are introduced here into academic circulation for the first time, expanding the evidentiary base and allowing for the correction of several inaccuracies found in earlier journalistic accounts. One notable clarification concerns the year of Dubovyi’s death: while certain archival documents indicate 23 January 1949, most popular publications and a symbolic memorial plaque give the year as 1948.The article also devotes special attention to the plight of Tyubai’s family members, who were deported to remote areas of the USSR as relatives of an OUN and UPA activist. One of his sisters was imprisoned and remains without official rehabilitation status. According to her archival criminal case file, her underground role was limited to that of a cook – an insufficient legal basis for denying her rehabilitation.

HISTORICAL AND LEGAL ASSESSMENT OF THE VOLHYNIA EVENTS BY POLISH EXPERTS

Dmytro Yarmoliuk — 2025-11-28

An attempt is made in this article to provide a legal assessment of the Volhynia tragedy, which affects inter-state and inter-ethnic relations and is important for historical reconciliation between peoples and states. Some members of society and experts consider the anti-Polish campaign to be an act of genocide. Among those who first began to use this term were representatives of the far right. It is noted that this assessment has now become dominant in the position of the Polish state and society. Other scholars objected to the term ‘genocide’ in relation to the events in Volhynia, since they were not aimed at the extermination of the Polish population. The position of Grzegorz Motyka is highlighted, who has evolved in his assessments and now distinguishes between the nature of the Ukrainian-Polish confrontation in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia. The author also points to the use of the term ‘ethnic cleansing’ in relation to the events in Volhynia, which is an ambiguous concept from a legal point of view. It is noted that it is now used less frequently for political and legal reasons. It is shown that the Polish side's historical and legal assessment of the events in Volhynia is influenced by the following postulates: deliberate provocation by Ukrainian nationalists, who were the main perpetrators of the mass extermination of the Polish population, of seemingly peaceful and friendly relations between Ukrainians and Poles in the interwar period; the separation of the peculiarities of Ukrainian-Polish relations in the interwar period and during World War II, thus ‘taking them out of context’; the recognition of the existence of an order or detailed plan by the leadership of the nationalist underground and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army to exterminate the peaceful Polish population in Volhynia and Galicia. The thesis is put forward that consideration of the Volhynia events in accordance with the norms of international law will allow the Ukrainian-Polish disputes regarding the historical and legal assessment of the Ukrainian-Polish confrontation during World War II to be resolved.

CHARACTERISTICS OF VOLUNTEER WORK IN KYIV REGION UNDER MARTIAL LAW CONDITIONS

Svitlana Atamanska — 2025-11-28

This article examines and analyzes the distinctive characteristics of volunteer work in Kyiv region under martial law conditions. The study focuses on analyzing the transformational processes in volunteer activities within Kyiv region following the declaration of martial law on February 24, 2022. Key areas of volunteer work are examined: civilian population evacuation, humanitarian assistance to internally displaced persons, medical support for victims, and psychological rehabilitation of traumatized citizens.The research emphasizes coordination mechanisms between state institutions and civil society organizations, as well as new forms of volunteer engagement that emerged during the Russian-Ukrainian war. Key challenges facing volunteers are examined: ensuring personal safety in near-frontline areas, overcoming logistical barriers in aid delivery, and risks of emotional burnout. The study highlights the distinctive features of international cooperation between Ukrainian volunteers and European charitable foundations. The findings demonstrate the transformation of volunteerism from traditional charity work to systematic support for national defense and strengthening societal resilience during wartime.The role of civil society organizations and volunteer initiatives in facilitating IDP integration at the local level has been identified. These organizations provide support in addressing urgent domestic and social issues, assist with housing searches, employment opportunities, and access to medical and educational services. Psychological support and creating safe spaces for communication constitute important components of their work. Through volunteer activities, displaced persons receive not only material assistance but also develop a sense of belonging to local communities. Such initiatives help build trust between IDPs and local populations, reduce social tensions, and strengthen social cohesion.The study reveals that volunteer organizations in Kyiv region, despite their significant achievements, face numerous challenges that impact their effectiveness. Insufficient coordination among different volunteer organizations represents one of the key problems. The proliferation of groups and initiatives sometimes results in duplicated efforts, inefficient resource utilization, and competition for donor support.

DE PUBLICIS ET PRIVATIS OF UKRAINIAN GALICIAN STUDENTS IN THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY: CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN IVAN KRYPIAKEVYCH AND MYROSLAV SICHYNSKYI IN 1908–1909

Liana Blikharska — 2025-11-28

At the beginning of the twentieth century, which simultaneously was the continuation of the long nineteenth century, amid transformations in political ideas that declared not only autonomy but also the creation of a national state, a new intellectual milieu formed in Galicia. It was in this environment that Ivan Krypiakevych and Myroslav Sichynsky grew up, crystallised their values and developed their convictions. As gymnasium graduates, they continued their studies at the Franz Joseph I University in Lviv (and, in Sichynsky’s case, also previously at the University of Vienna) – and thus entered the realm of public life. As characteristic representatives of the Eastern European intelligentsia within the Habsburg Empire, they regarded education not merely as preparation for a professional career-whether in teaching or law-but as a means of fulfilling a broader social mission. The context in which they pursued their aspirations was equally significant: in the climate of demonstrations and protests of the 1900s, students more than any other group sought to accomplish what previous generations had not succeeded in doing. This article examines the process of forming political ideas among Ukrainian youth in Galicia and the collaboration between Ivan Krypiakevych and Myroslav Sichynskyi through a new historical source: their correspondence from 1908–1909. These texts reflect not only the interests of young people and their plans, but also broader trends in Ukrainian intellectual life. These letters demonstrate a combination of private and public spheres. In them, the authors, along with their personal experiences, reflected on the goals and tasks of the student movement, the failures of political strategies chosen by Ukrainian Galician politicians, events in the public sphere, and the development of scholarship, literature, and journalism. An analysis of these documents reveals how they viewed the role of intelligentsia in the development of national identity among broad segments of the population, most often peasants and urban workers. The use of this epistolary material allows us to look at the figures of Ivan Krypiakevych and Myroslav Sichynsky in a new light, to gain a deeper understanding of the peculiarities of the formation of their worldview, and to trace the mechanisms of intellectual interaction among the Ukrainian youth of Galicia. This information allows us to better understand the biographical aspects of both historical figures and will be useful to researchers of the history of the Ukrainian student movement and everyday life in Galicia at the beginning of the 20th century.

THE DEEPENING OF UKRAINE-NATO PARTNERSHIP IN 2014–2022: ENHANCED OPPORTUNITIES PROGRAM AND THE STATUS OF A CANDIDATE

Volodymyr Vladyka — 2025-11-28

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the deepening of the partnership between Ukraine and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) during the period 2014–2022 – a time that proved pivotal both for Ukraine’s foreign policy orientation and for the overall architecture of European security. In light of the sharp increase in external threats caused by the aggression of the Russian Federation, Euro-Atlantic integration has become a top priority within Ukraine’s national security and defense system. Special attention is given to NATO’s decision to grant Ukraine the status of participant in the Enhanced Opportunities Partnership (EOP) in 2020. This step is interpreted both as NATO’s recognition of Ukraine’s substantial contribution to collective security and as a mechanism for intensifying practical cooperation in a format closely aligned with full membership.The study examines the substance of the Enhanced Opportunities Program, its importance for the transformation of Ukraine’s security and defense sector, and its institutional and operational implications. The article analyzes the political and legal preconditions for Ukraine’s course toward NATO membership, particularly the constitutional enshrinement of this goal in 2019, which marked the irreversibility of the Euro-Atlantic trajectory. Within this context, the concept of ‘candidate status for NATO membership’ is discussed as a political category that, despite lacking official definition in the Alliance’s legal framework, is used to describe states that demonstrate consistent aspirations to join NATO, actively participate in partnership programs, and implement internal reforms in line with NATO standards. It is emphasized that, in the Ukrainian context, this status carries significant symbolic and strategic weight in legitimizing the country’s foreign policy course and mobilizing domestic resources for its implementation.The study identifies NATO’s role as Ukraine’s key strategic partner during the active phase of the Russian-Ukrainian war and outlines possible scenarios for Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration in the medium and long term. It concludes that the 2014–2022 period marked the emergence of a qualitatively new stage in Ukraine – NATO relations, bringing Ukraine closer to the level of engagement typical of candidate countries and laying a conceptual foundation for future membership in the Alliance.

UKRAINIAN-POLISH RELATIONS: STEP-BY-STEP ESCALATION

Yevhen Dikhtiaruk — 2025-11-28

Ukrainian-Polish inter-state and inter-ethnic relations are the subject of this article. Historically, their importance has been determined by the geographical proximity and shared history of Ukraine and Poland. The main events that have shaped the nature of relations between Kyiv and Warsaw at the official level are briefly described. The nature of relations depends on the internal situation in both countries and changes in geopolitical realities and the influence of a ‘third force’. The facts presented in the article confirm the experts' conclusions about the absurdity of the situation, which consists in the cooling of relations between two large neighbouring Central European states threatened by an aggressive Russia. At the same time, when analysing relations between the two countries, it is necessary to refer first and foremost to history, whose shared past influences the present. Differences in views on the past are the main stumbling block in relations between states and peoples, as reflected in numerous official documents. That is why problematic issues of history that determine relations between countries and aspects of cooperation have been identified. Based on the analysis of key phenomena, conclusions have been drawn about changes in their nature and general trends.Analysis of the specific content of Ukrainian-Polish relations allows us to verify their substance and intensity. In the 1990s and 2000s, Ukrainian-Polish relations developed in a generally constructive manner, and the presidential agreements on interethnic reconciliation listed in the article became a step towards rapprochement between the two nations. Since 2008, we have been witnessing a period of turbulence, which can be seen in the statements of politicians and in the mood of society. The analysed experience of Ukrainian-Polish relations proves that misunderstandings can and should be left in the past and that we should move in the common direction of a European future.

THE STRUGGLE FOR LEADERSHIP IN THE JEWISH MOVEMENT IN BUKOVYNA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURY

Oleksandr Dobrzhanskyi — 2025-11-28

The article analyzes the struggle between individual groups of Jewish politicians for influence on social processes, the formation of political societies and parties, and the definition of the ideological guidelines of the Jewish national movement. Considerable attention is paid to the characteristics of the two most prominent Jewish leaders of that time, lawyer Benjamin (Beno) Straucher and Chernivtsi University professor Leon Kellner. It is noted that at the beginning of the 20th century, Benno Straucher became the most influential Jewish politician in Bukovina. He was simultaneously a member of the Austrian Parliament, the Bukovina Sejm, and the Chernivtsi City Council. He headed the Bukovina Jewish community and a number of cultural and political societies. In 1901, he created the first political organization of Bukovina Jews, the Jewish People's Society, and in 1907, he replaced it with the Jewish National Society, which in 1909 was transformed into the National Party of Bukovina Jews. Such a concentration of power provoked opposition among a number of Jewish politicians, including M. Ebner, F. Menchel, and others. Between 1905 and 1910, they created a number of political societies that sought to combat B. Straucher's dominance in Jewish political life. However, all attempts ended in failure. A new stage in the struggle began in 1910, when Leon Kelner became the leader of the anti- Straucher opposition. In October of that year, he proposed the idea of creating a political organization called the Bukovina People's Council. This project was implemented in 1911. That same year, the election campaign for the Bukovina Sejm and then the Austrian Parliament began. Although B. Straucher's National Party won six seats in the Bukovynian Sejm and L. Kellner's supporters only two, this was already a significant success for the opposition. The article emphasizes that despite the fierce struggle, both political forces professed roughly the same ideological guidelines, advocating the recognition of Jews as a separate people, seeking to expand their national and cultural rights, and promoting the ideas of Zionism. The differences mainly concerned tactics and relations with other political forces in the region.It is emphasized that B. Straucher's supporters consistently maintained allied relations with Ukrainian political forces. In general, this political struggle was positive in nature, as it contributed to the democratization of the Jewish movement, the crystallization of national slogans, and the consolidation of disparate political forces.

“GOOD RUSSIANS” AS A CHALLENGE TO THE UKRAINIAN IMAGE: CRITICISM OF RUSSIAN LIBERAL DISCOURSE IN THE WEEKLY MAGAZINE “TRYZUB” (1920–1930S)

Andrii Karabardin — 2025-11-28

The article examines criticism of Russian liberal discourse in the pages of the Ukrainian emigre weekly “Tryzub”, which was published in Paris from 1925 to 1940 and was considered the main information organ of the Ukrainian People's Republic in exile during those years. Particular attention is paid to its role in shaping the image of the Ukrainian nation in the context of stateless existence. The study focuses on how the authors of the magazine opposed Russian liberal narratives that denied Ukrainian subjectivity and how this struggle contributed to the establishment of Ukraine's image as a dignified, culturally mature, and separate nation. Through an analysis of four key tactics used by Russian liberals – ignoring the Ukrainian question, recognizing cultural identity with reference to the “Russian whole,” positioning themselves as allies, and demonstrating feigned neutrality – their imperial essence is revealed. Instead, the authors of Trident, using facts, irony, and historical arguments, exposed the manipulative nature of these strategies, demonstrating that Russian liberalism often conceals colonial superiority. The study also draws parallels with today's “good Russians,” who reproduce similar patterns, avoiding recognition of Ukrainian subjectivity.The article concludes that such opposition to imperial narratives not only exposed the true nature of Russian liberals, but also created a model of anti-colonial discourse that is still relevant today. The Ukrainian emigre press thus shaped a positive image of the nation, proving its right to statehood and international recognition. The modern struggle against similar elements requires similar vigilance: only a complete break with imperial illusions and recognition of Ukrainian subjectivity can ensure victory in the information war. In this sense, the legacy of the magazine “Tryzub” serves as a guide for modern Ukraine, reminding us of the need to consistently fight for our own voice and place in history.

THE COSSACKS OF THE VELYKOBUDYSHCHANSKA SOTNIA OF THE POLTAVA REGIMENT (BASED ON RECORDS AND AUDITS FROM 1718–1735)

Tamara Kostyrenko — 2025-11-28

Historical and demographic research is an important area of contemporary Ukrainian historiography, which has been developing since the early 2000s. The numerical and social composition of the population of the Hetmanate deserves special attention from scholars. At the same time, the population of the hundreds of the Poltava Regiment, in particular Velykobudyshche (Velykobudyshchanska), remains fragmentarily researched. Historians and local historians mostly focus on the etymology of the name of this sotnia, the time of its foundation, its administrative and territorial structure, and certain aspects of its socio-economic situation. However, the issues of the personal composition and number of Cossacks in the Velykobudyshchanska Sotnia are not sufficiently covered in scientific literature.The article analyses the personal composition of the hundred’s officers, the number of Cossacks, and their property differentiation as residents of the Velykobudyskyi Sotnia of the Poltava Regiment in 1718–1735.General scientific methods were used – analysis, generalisation and synthesis, as well as special historical methods – problem-chronological, problem-historical, historical-comparative and source criticism. The research is based on accounting sources, local history literature and historical works. The source base of the scientific research consists of computations and revisions of the Velykobudyskyi Sotnia for 1718, 1721, 1723, 1726, 1733, 1735, published in the seven-volume edition ‘Sources on the History of the Poltava Regiment (mid-17th – 18th centuries)’ compiled by Volodymyr Mokliak. From these sources, lists of Cossacks were selected with information about their financial status and place of military service.The scientific novelty lies in the fact that, for the first time, the numerical composition and financial status of the Cossacks have been comprehensively analysed. The dynamics of changes in the structure of mounted and unmounted armed, unarmed, present and absent in the sotnia are presented. Data on Cossacks who were ‘on dragoon duty’ at the sotnia town hall, on the Ukrainian defence line and in military campaigns in Poland were analysed, which made it possible to outline the geography of the military mobility of the hundred’s population. An increase in the proportion of armed Cossacks on horseback and a decrease in the proportion of unarmed foot soldiers at their place of service was revealed.

EDUCATION OF SIX-YEAR-OLD CHILDREN: EXPERIENCE OF THE 1980S ІN THE UKRAINIAN SSR

Olga Lavrut — 2025-11-28

The article analyzes the implementation of educational reform in schools of the Ukrainian SSR in the context of the implementation of the resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Ukrainian SSR and the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR «On further improvement of general secondary education of youth and improvement of working conditions of general education schools» (1984). It was designed to improve the educational and educational activities of students, to make the transition from ten-year to eleven-year school education. This was due to overcoming destructive processes and phenomena that had accumulated in Soviet society and an attempt to solve educational problems and not lose international positions. The main directions of education were to be implemented in school and beyond, the messages of which remained the principles of Leninism.The work emphasizes that «perestroika» created optimal opportunities for the implementation of the basic principles of educational reform in school. Using official slogans, educational institutions directed their own efforts to this end.The process was long and required attention from state bodies and local. The first, on the one hand, continued to be inert or carried out appropriate measures in a veiled manner, the second – contemplated them and were forced to react to the pedagogical community.It is emphasized that it was the teachers who became the decisive force in this process. They continued to fulfill their own mission, studying the features of learning, development and interaction with six-year-old children. For them, this was new and a real challenge. Teachers in preschool institutions and schools carried out appropriate work not only with children, but also with their parents, the pedagogical community. It is proven that the main task of working with six-year-old children is their preparation for further school and adult life. The areas of work with them were as follows: the development of speech and language, compliance with sanitary and hygienic norms and rules of behavior, the formation of a healthy lifestyle, etc. This was carried out through conversations, reading, practical activities, excursions.It is noted that not all parents sent their children to school from the age of six because of their skeptical attitude to changes, lack of preparation. There were also problems that needed to be solved: personnel, scientific and methodological, material. Nevertheless, the school reform brought closer the democratic changes that took place in the following periods of the existence of Ukrainian society.

SOCIAL COMPOSITION OF THE COMMITTEES OF POOR PEASANTS OF SOVIET UKRAINE (1920–1933)

Dmytro Lysenko — 2025-11-28

The article is devoted to a comprehensive study of the social composition of the Committees of Poor Peasants (CPP) in Soviet Ukraine during 1920–1933. It is based on a source base that includes legislative acts, meeting minutes, instructions from higher authorities, memoirs of party ideologists, and works by both contemporary and Soviet historians. The study describes the peculiarities of the social formation and functioning of this structure, which became an instrument for implementing Soviet rural policies. It is shown that the CPP were created not only for administrative and repressive purposes but also as a potential social support for the communist regime among various segments of the population.The paper analyzes certain social categories of poor peasants who formed the core of the organization: landless and smallholding peasants, hired laborers, members of collective farms, and people with a low social status. Particular attention is given to the presence of a share of declassed elements inclined toward profiteering and other criminal activities at the expense of fellow villagers. The study examines the national composition of the CPP, which was predominantly Ukrainian but also included representatives of other nationalities. It also considers the ideological and property-based selection criteria that excluded the wealthy strata of the population and persons with a «counterrevolutionary» past.The research explores the role of the CPP as a mechanism of control and social engineering in rural areas, aimed at dividing communities along class lines, fostering hostility within the peasant society, weakening traditional forms of self-governance, and enforcing Bolshevik ideology. In particular, through the CPP, campaigns of dekulakization, collectivization, grain requisitioning, and mobilization of rural resources were carried out. The author emphasizes that membership in the CPP was often motivated not by ideological beliefs but by the desire to gain economic advantages and adapt profitably to the prevailing regime. The article demonstrates that the CPP became a kind of «social mask» for Soviet policy, formally representing the interests of the poor peasants while in practice carrying out the will of the party leadership. Their social composition resulted from the deliberate selection of the most dependent and vulnerable strata, ensuring manageability and readiness to implement repressive measures.It is stressed that the activities of the CPP led not only to economic but also to moral and psychological transformations of rural society, resulting in increased distrust, social division, and the erosion of traditional values. The study concludes that examining the social composition of the CPP allows for a deeper understanding of the mechanisms of Soviet domination at the local level and the processes of forming a new socio-cultural reality.

ZMIINYI ISLAND IN THE SYSTEM OF MODERN MARKERS OF UKRAINIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY

Kseniia Lishchyna — 2025-11-28

The article analyzes the transformation of the symbolic image of Zmiinyi Island in the system of contemporary markers of Ukrainian national identity. It shows that this small rocky territory, known since ancient times as a sacred place, gradually acquired a dual meaning in the 20th and 21st centuries: a strategic center in the Black Sea and a center of historical memory. It reveals how court debates on maritime demarcation, events after 2014, and the full-scale war of 2022 have reinforced narratives of sovereignty, border protection, and civic resilience. Methodologically, the article relies on a comparative approach, discursive analysis of media and artistic representations, and interpretation of sociological indicators of pride, trust, and sense of belonging. The multidimensionality of the image of Zmiinyi has been proven: in the territorial dimension, it functions as a marker of state integrity; in the political dimension, as a sign of resistance to the aggressor and the ability to self-organize; in the cultural dimension, as a symbol in art and material culture; in the socio-psychological dimension, it functions as a factor of consolidation that mobilizes collective action.The mechanisms of mythologization are traced: from a «place of memory» to a «border of freedom». It is shown that the phrase, born in the context of military conflict, functioned as a trigger for collective identification, transforming Zmiinyi into a center of memory and the image of a border guard into an archetype of civic courage. It is concluded that Zmiinyi is not only an object of geopolitical competition, but also a cultural and civilizational marker that integrates the experience of trauma and resistance into a positive program of state subjectivity. Thus, the island functions as a nodal point of Ukraine’s symbolic geographical locations, strengthening the civic dimension of the nation, deepening practices of memory, and supporting community resilience in the context of prolonged war; its image serves as an instrument of political communication and legitimization of Ukrainian sovereignty in the global space.

LEGAL ENVIRONMENT FOR THE ACTIVITIES OF STUDENT ASSOCIATIONS IN RUSSIAN-RULED UKRAINE IN 1905–1914

Viacheslav Mahas — 2025-11-28

During the Revolution of 1905–1907, civic activism flourished across various population groups, with youth playing a particularly active role in their aspirations to reform the bureaucratic-autocratic regime. The student movement of that period emerged as a significant element of socio-political transformations.Examining the legal status of student associations is therefore a crucial aspect of this study. The research aims to elucidate the role of students in the socio-political processes of 1905–1914 and analyse the influence of legal and regulatory acts on the formation and functioning of student organisations in the early 20th century.The study concludes that during the Revolution of 1905–1907 in the Russian Empire, student public organisations with oppositional, loyalist, and nationalist orientations became increasingly active. Under societal pressure, the authorities were compelled to revise and improve the legal framework regulating student associations. A significant milestone in this regard was the imperial decree of 27 August 1905, which granted university autonomy. This decree temporarily liberalised the conditions for establishing student associations, revitalising their activities. However, following the revolution, the regulations of 11 June 1907 introduced restrictions on university autonomy and the activities of student associations.Opposition and nationalist student organisations faced numerous obstacles imposed by the gendarmerie, local authorities, and educational institution administrations. Conversely, monarchist youth organisations received substantial support during their official registration and subsequent activities. This reflects the double-standard policy of the imperial authorities towards student associations.

DEVELOPMENT PARADIGMS CIVIC AND HISTORICAL EDUCATIONAL INDUSTRY IN THE CONDITIONS OF THE FORMATION OF CIVIL SOCIETY 1991–2025

Yurii Mytrofanenko — 2025-11-28

The article attempts to present publication progress of громадянської and historical educational industry trends are considered in Ukraine in the end ХХ – on ХХІ of century. The feature of genesis of social science educational industry consists in that her transformation caused by proceeding in незалежности Ukraine began or not before in all from all other educational industries. It substantially influenced on going near teaching of history of Ukraine, became one of reasons of input of course «Civil education», forming of separate educational industry. Her a basic task consisted in forming of principles of civil society in Ukraine. Civic and historical educational industry tested transformations under act of processes of development of Ukrainian creation of the state in the end ХХ – at the beginning ХХІ of century On the modern stage these tasks did not lose the actuality, they have substantial influence on the processes of Ukrainian creation of the state. Experience of previous generations of teachers and scientists became the basis for reforming social studies education.At the current stage of development of Ukrainian didactics, the goals of civic and historical education are defined as follows developing axiological competence through understanding the cause-and-effect relationships between past and present processes, comprehending the interdependence between global, national, and local processes; the formation of Ukrainian citizens and their active civic position based on democracy, patriotism, respect for human rights and freedoms, recognition of the value of the rule of law, and intolerance of corruption.Civic and historical education has undergone several stages of change during the transformation of Ukrainian education in the 20th and 21st centuries. At the present stage, these tasks have not changed; they need to be improved and modernized because they are important for the processes of Ukrainian statehood.

KGB PREVENTIVE MEASURES AGAINST UKRAINIAN POST-SIXTIES DISSIDENT ACTIVISTS IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 1970S

Bohdan Paska — 2025-11-28

The purpose of the article is a comprehensive analysis of the features of the use of preventive measures by the State Security Committee (KGB) against the post-sixties dissident environment in the second half of the 1970s.The methodological basis of the article was the principles of objectivity, historicism, comprehensiveness, continuity, as well as a complex of general scientific and special-historical methods. The work used methods of analysis and synthesis, problem-chronological, retrospective, comparison and comparison of information from various sources. The basis of the source base is the materials of the report notes of the leadership of the Ukrainian republican KGB addressed to party leaders and the Moscow center, which are concentrated in the Sectoral State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine (SSA SSU). The author concludes that the preventive and preventive measures of the KGB in the second half of the 1970s became one of the key instruments of the Soviet repressive policy against Ukrainian dissidents-post-sixties.Using a network of agents, personal contacts, pressure through official structures and the capabilities of the Soviet media, the special service sought to neutralize the activity of the intelligentsia, to induce dissidents to public repentance and gradual isolation from like-minded people. The scale and systematic nature of this activity contributed to a significant reduction in the dissident environment and narrowing the space for public resistance. Despite the absence of open mass repressions against the post-sixties environment, such as in the early 1970s, it was preventive methods that combined elements of psychological pressure, discredit and material incentives that proved extremely effective in disorganizing the movement. They not only paralyzed the activity of many dissidents, but also dealt a serious blow to the moral state of the environment, undermined trust between its participants and prevented the mass involvement of the younger generation of Ukrainians in opposition activities. As a result, this became an important factor in the decline of the dissident movement in Ukraine in the early 1980s.

MURALS AS A FORM OF COMMEMORATION IN THE PUBLIC SPACE OF UKRAINIAN CITIES

Iryna Piatnytskova — 2025-11-28

The research optics of the work is aimed at analyzing murals as one of the forms of commemoration in the modern public space of Ukrainian cities. The work analyzes the history of the development of muralism in Ukrainian territories, highlighting three of its periods, which differ in the intensity of the development of this type of street art and plot-thematic content. Given the chosen research problem, the main focus of the work is on the analysis of murals of the historical genre. 262 murals belonging to this genre or having its elements were identified in the information space. They served as the source basis of the study and were analyzed using historical-chronological, historical-typological and artistic- compositional methods of scientific knowledge. The applied scientific tools allowed us to determine that in the public space of Ukrainian cities the most represented murals are dedicated to the events of the Cossack era, the Revolution of Dignity, and the Russian-Ukrainian War. Most often, artists turned to historical figures T. Shevchenko and M. Hrushevsky. An increase in the practice of turning to murals as a form of commemoration was observed after the start of the full-scale war of Russia against Ukraine. Since murals are created quickly and do not require lengthy approval procedures, they became a quick response from society to the request to capture and record in memory experiences, individual events of the war, and memorialize the dead. At the same time, murals as a form of commemoration have their drawbacks. The most significant among them is the fragility of murals; under the influence of natural factors, drawings lose their original appearance and disappear over time. However, their fixation and research have great potential for exploring the historical and collective memory of society.

TILE AND BRICK PRODUCTION IN POLOHIVSHCHYNA: FROM THE “BRICK FACTORY OF POLOHY STATION: NEIFELD G. AND TARASOV M.” TO THE POLOHУ BRICK FACTORY

Galуna Turchenko — 2025-11-28

The article is devoted to the history of tile and brick production in the Polohy region. The importance of the study lies in the fact that the city of Polohy is the centre of kaolin ore mining in the Zaporizhzhia region. The article examines the tile industry in the Polohy region, from the activities of the «Polohy Brick Factory: Neifeld G. and Tarasov M.» to the Polohy Brick Factory with its branches.The technological features of local production in the 19th and early 20th centuries are highlighted: manual moulding, firing of green bricks in special kilns, as well as the gradual transition to mechanised methods of work. The influence of the tile and brick industry on the socio-economic development of the Polohy district is considered.The work uses archival documents and the memories of former employees of the brick factory in the Polohy district.The authors highlight the stages of development of tile and brick production in the Polohy district: Stage 1 (19th century – 1924) – characterised by the establishment of tile production. The «Polohy Brick Factory: Neifeld G. and Tarasov M.» appears at the Polohy station of the Katerynoslav Railway. Stage 2 (1924–1941) – the development of tile and brick production. In 1924, brick factory No. 7 began operating in Polohy. Stage 3 (1950–1992) – bricks are produced, but tiles are not manufactured. The industrial facilities of the Polohy brick production were subordinate to the industrial association Zaporizhbudmaterialy; Stage 4 (1993–2022) – brick production was transferred to the villages of Voskresenka and Basan. The enterprises were subordinate to the Polohy Chemical Plant Coagulant, where ceramic bricks were manufactured. Since 24 February 2022, the city of Polohy has been temporarily occupied by Russian troops and brick production has been suspended.

THE UKRAINIAN GREEK CATHOLIC AND ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCHES AND THE PROCESSES OF THE FIRST SOVIETISATION OF WESTERN UKRAINE (SEPTEMBER 1939 – JUNE 1941)

Pavlo Khomyak — 2025-11-28

The article is devoted to researching the situation of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic and Roman Catholic Churches during the period of the first Sovietisation of Western Ukraine. It analyses the attitude of the Soviet state towards religion in general and the UGCC and RCC in particular. It reveals the causes and mechanisms of the repressive policy of the Soviet authorities and their atheistic policy. It traces the attitude of the population of Western Ukraine towards the anti-religious policy of the Soviet state.Upon entering Western Ukraine in the autumn of 1939, the Soviet authorities resorted to repression against the Church and its ministers. Churches and monasteries were closed en masse, their property was confiscated, and repression against priests and Church faithful began. In the first months of the Soviet occupation, all educational institutions associated with the Church and periodicals were closed, and church and monastery libraries and archives were confiscated and destroyed. The authorities banned the activities of priests’ organisations, brotherhoods and societies. In accordance with the proclaimed principle of separation of Church and state, the duty of registering births, marriages, and deaths was taken away from the parish clergy and transferred to state civil registry offices.During the first period of Sovietisation, thanks to anti-atheist campaign measures, the Bolshevik authorities very quickly succeeded in depriving the Greek Catholic and Roman Catholic Churches of their social influence and means of existence.Repression against priests of the UGCC and the RCC intensified particularly on the eve of the German-Soviet war.However, despite all the efforts of the Soviet regime, the results of the Soviet anti-religious campaign of 1939–1941 remained more than modest. The cult of militant atheism became entrenched in the minds of the inhabitants of Western Ukraine as one of the most unpleasant experiences during the period of Soviet rule. The only thing that could compare with it was the fear for one’s life caused by the terror of the state authorities.

THE AGE PROFILE OF YELISAVETGRAD’S INDUSTRIAL WORKFORCE (1880S – EARLY 20TH CENTURY): SECTORAL SPECIFICITY

Yaroslav Chaban — 2025-11-28

The source base of the study includes factory inspection reports, materials from the First General Population Census of 1897, factory and plant directories from the late 19th and early 20th centuries, electoral lists of workers eligible to vote in the State Duma elections of 1906 and 1912, as well as internal documentation from local metalworking enterprises (including the plants of the «V.A. Yaskulskyi» Company and A.L. Shklovskyi).The author establishes that in the 1880s virtually all employable age groups were engaged in industrial work at Yelysavetgrad’s enterprises, although their relative proportions gradually changed. In the 1880s, approximately 76% of the city’s industrial workforce were «adults» (aged 16 and above), while adolescents (boys aged 12–15) accounted for about 24%. In the following decades, a steady decline in the share of underage workers was observed. By 1894, adults made up around 85% of the industrial labor force, adolescents – 14%, and children aged 12–14 – only about 1%.The intensification of mechanical and machine-building production was accompanied by a growing demand for skilled adult labor: at the largest factories, the share of youth did not exceed 10–20% (e.g., 11% at the Elworthy Brothers’ plant), while at smaller, less technologically advanced workshops, adolescents could still constitute 40–60% of the workforce.Attention is also drawn to the trend of an «aging» labor force in the early 20th century, as clearly evidenced in statistical data. According to the electoral list of 1906, 51% of factory workers were over the age of 25. The 1912 electoral census revealed that the majority (over 60%) of industrial employees were between the ages of 28 and 42, while the proportion of minors had dropped to approximately 5%. A distinctive feature on the eve of World War I was the emergence of a core of highly skilled older workers (aged 48–86), particularly at the city’s largest enterprise – the Agricultural Machinery Plant of the «R. & T. Elworthy» Joint-Stock Company. This development reflects the growing institutionalization of worker qualification and the recognition of long-term service in the industrial sector.

THE HUSSITE MOVEMENT IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC: CURRENT RESEARCH TRENDS

Alla Bortnikova — 2025-11-28

The purpose of this article is to review the main areas of research on the Hussite movement in Bohemia in the last decades of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. The crisis that engulfed all of Europe in the 1460s became particularly acute in Bohemia at the end of the century, and in the 15th century it grew into the Hussite movement, named after one of its leaders, Jan Hus. The Hussite movement was a multifaceted social phenomenon that lasted for more than eight decades of Czech history. It was a struggle for church reform, an attempt to change the socio-political system, and a nationalist movement against German domination in the country.The Hussite movement has a rich historiography. The epresentatives of the positivist school (V.V. Tomek, J. Sedlak, J. Hall and his students) made a significant contribution to the study of Hussitism. In the so-called socialist period of Czechoslovakia’s development, “Marxist” historiography came to dominate. The focus was mainly on the socio- economic history of Bohemia in the pre-Hussite and Hussite periods, the radical wing of the Hussite camp, especially the Taborites, as the communists considered themselves the heirs to the revolutionary legacy of the Taborites. The departure from the Marxist paradigm in the study of medieval Czech history began in the 1960s and 1970s and intensified in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when a new generation of researchers emerged. However, the turn of the 1980s and 1990s marked a real breakthrough in the development of historical science in the Czech Republic. A new generation of researchers today continues and develops the work begun by their predecessors in the study of the Hussite movement (F. Šmаgel, P. Čornej, M. Polivka, J. Boubin, J. Čechura, J. Jurоk, and others).One can observe the evolution of the concept of the Hussite movement in terms of expanding its chronology and social base, the processes of reforming its own church, identifying integrative influences on the development of the Czech Republic and European countries, with a prevailing tendency to compare these revolutionary transformations to similar changes that accompanied the Reformation, its interconnection with similar European development processes. The current direction of research into the Hussite movement is characterised by the removal of ideological layers, when Hussitism was viewed exclusively as a grassroots movement, to an understanding of Hussitism as a complex of socio-economic, political, religious and national factors. The characterisation of Hussitism as a multifaceted phenomenon made it possible to extend the upper limits of the movement to 1485.

WRITTEN HISTORICAL SOURCES OF JAPAN

Dariia Husak — 2025-11-28

Japan has a long history, which is reflected in written sources. This type of sources plays a key role in the study and understanding of its past for the knowledge of culture and historical background. The article analyzes the main written historical sources of Japan. These texts have not only historical, but also mythological and religious value, as they describe the origin of the world, the gods, and the imperial dynasty.The article studies the main types of Japanese written sources, their classification, chronological boundaries, and significance for historical research. Particular attention is paid to the oldest written monuments, such as the Kojiki and the Nihon Shoki, which are actually the first official chronicles dating back to the eighth century. The article also examines medieval chronicles, documents of samurai culture, and official state archives of the Edo period. The Kamakura and Muromachi periods left behind numerous courtly diaries, war chronicles, and religious treatises. The Edo period is characterized by the bureaucratization of administration, so during this historical period, numerous administrative documents, correspondence, land registers, and shogunate orders have been preserved, which are important sources for the study and analysis of the social history of Japan. Of considerable interest to historians is also the epistolary heritage – private correspondence, which often preserves unique information about political, economic, and cultural processes.The specifics of the preservation, translation, and interpretation of sources are analyzed. A conclusion is drawn about the relevance of studying Japanese sources in the context of global historical science. In conclusion, the article emphasizes that the collection of these written sources forms the basis for the study of Japanese history, culture, and social life. It emphasizes the importance of their critical analysis and comparison.

POLAND AND UKRAINE IN THE EASTERN DIMENSION OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: INTEGRATION EXPERIENCE AND PROSPECTS FOR COOPERATION

Tetiana Yelova — 2025-11-28

The article examines the role of Poland and Ukraine in the Eastern dimension of the European Union’s policy, with a particular focus on European and Euro-Atlantic integration processes. It analyses the economic and political preconditions for Poland’s accession to the EU and NATO, key stages of reforms, including the implementation of the “shock therapy” model and the Balcerowicz Plan, which laid the foundation for the country’s economic transformation. The study identifies the main challenges Poland faced on its integration path – scepticism from Western states, resistance from Russia, low public support, and the complexity of implementing EU legal and technical norms – as well as the mechanisms used to overcome them. Special emphasis is placed on the political consolidation of the elites around the integration course as a strategic state interest. The evolution of EU–Ukraine relations from the early 1990s to the post-2014 period is explored in detail. Particular attention is given to the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (1994), the European Neighbourhood Policy, the Eastern Partnership initiative, and the impact of the Orange Revolution on Ukraine’s European course.The article discusses political, economic, and institutional aspects of Ukraine–EU interaction, problems in implementing democratic standards and combating corruption, and Poland’s role as an advocate and intermediary for Ukraine within European institutions. It is concluded that Poland’s integration experience can serve as a practical model for Ukraine, provided that it is adapted to national specificities, the geopolitical context, and the country’s internal reform potential.The findings contribute to understanding the interconnection between national reform agendas and broader EU strategic objectives in the Eastern neighbourhood.The chronological framework of the study covers the period from 1990 to 2014, with a primary focus on the integration processes before and after Poland’s accession to the European Union in 2004, and on the impact of these processes on Ukraine.

REFLECTIONS ON THE CHANGES OF THE MEIJI ERA IN JAPAN: CULTURE AND SOCIETY

Oksana Kalishchuk — 2025-11-28

In the mid-19th century, Japanese society underwent a profound transformation during the Meiji Restoration, which was characterised by Westernisation and modernisation. The transition from isolationism to openness led to rapid industrialization and technological progress, higher living standards, education and social mobility. The country adopted the slogan ‘wa-kon-e-sai’ (Japanese spirit – Western knowledge), which is why this era is also known as the era of Western enlightenment. The author of the article explores Japan’s path from a closed society to a prosperous nation, debunking romanticised notions of ‘the good old days’ and analysing the profound impact on culture and society. The change in the status of the samurai class influenced the formation of the country’s modern cultural code. Meiji-era Japan became an example of a society undergoing cultural trauma, and it is important to analyse the position of society in the context of this trauma. After all, the Japanese had a strong sense of the uniqueness of their culture. That is why the assimilation of Western knowledge in philosophy, sociology, and politics did not lead to the destruction of traditional consciousness.Traditional Japanese art in the Meiji era also felt the winds of new traditions and the use of new techniques. New social transformations also affected the forms of poetry. At the same time, the fascination with Japan half a century later led to the discovery of non-European cultures by artists from the Old Continent. Political developments led to a series of experiments in art when Japanese engravings, ceramics, lacquerware and other artefacts found their way to the West.The 1867 World’s Fair in Paris sparked a real fascination with Japan, which aroused both surprise and awe. Some experts refer to culture as an element of Japan’s ‘soft power’. Thus, this article analyses the evolution of Japanese culture during the Meiji era and its influence on national and European traditions.

PRINCIPLES OF CHRISTIAN TEACHING ABOUT MAN IN THE “CONFESSIONS” OF SAINT AUGUSTINE

Oksana Karlina — 2025-11-28

The article discusses Saint Augustine’s principles of the Christian doctrine of man in his autobiographical work, «Confessions». The story of the experience of the cultural and religious formation of the man personality contains a profound analysis of the author’s inner world; it reveals the practice of engaging in dialogue with oneself, akin to conversing with another person, and the journey of self-creation, all under the sign of dialogue with God. Through his own experiences as a person searching for the meaning of life, Augustine illustrated that this meaning is found in knowing God and living in relationship with Him.In the «Confessions of St. Augustine», everything passes through man. Augustine of Hippo defined man’s existence as imago Dei, similar to many other early Christian writers. However, he understood man somewhat differently. He viewed man not only as the most vivid image of the Creator, but also as the dwelling place of God, which must be sought within the human soul. In Augustine’s teachings, man serves as the central theme, the most obvious, to which he devoted the greatest place in his reflection. The Bishop of Hippo examined this theme thoroughly and interpreted it as a foundation for understanding both the world around him and the existence of God. At the same time, he did not confine his interpretation solely to the intellectual, methodological aspect, although he devoted a lot of attention to the problem of cognition. Personal experiences and the events associated with its played a huge role in his description of man`s existence, even when he did not analyse them in passing, making specific conclusions and decisions. He offered insightful assessments and made necessary corrections to his well-founded reflections whenever he recognized the need for them; his concepts were verified by everyday life.Augustine constantly included man among the values, highlighting the importance of the human mind in understanding truth as a cause of happiness, the reason for which is union with God. As an integral element of the rational nature of man, he also pointed to free will, conceptualizing it ontologically and distinguishing it from freedom as the internal autonomy of the human spirit, which is given to man. Among all created beings, man holds a special place, associated with his development and dynamism, but always in close connection with the Creator.

JESUIT COLLEGES IN EUROPE: A MODEL OF EDUCATION AND UPBRINGING

Yurij Kramar — 2025-11-28

The article attempts to analyse the educational concept of Jesuit colleges - educational institutions of the Society of Jesus. Founded in 1534 by Ignatius of Loyola, the Jesuit order performed not only the spiritual functions entrusted to it by the Catholic Church, but also carried out a wide range of secular activities, including educational ones. It is found that due to high standards of education quality, innovative pedagogical approaches and a developed system of education, Jesuit colleges quickly established a reputation as leading educational institutions throughout Europe and far beyond.The historical conditions for the emergence of Jesuit colleges in Western Europe are considered. It is noted that in the early modern period the need for educated personnel increased dramatically. This was due to the development of centralised states, bureaucracy, the judiciary and other state institutions. At the same time, the growth of the urban population led to a demand for affordable and high-quality education. Simultaneously with the profound religious transformations that swept Europe during the Reformation, the Jesuits saw education as one of the most effective tools for influencing the younger generation, which had to be brought up in a religious spirit. In relation to these changes, Jesuit colleges became centres for the formation of a new elite – not only spiritual but also secular. It is shown that the formation of the Jesuit pedagogical system, unique in its content, is inextricably linked to the galaxy of prominent representatives of the Jesuit monastic order – Ignatius Loyola, José de Acosta, Jacob Balde, Athanasius Kircher, who enriched pedagogical thought with new ideas and approaches.The methodology of studies in Jesuit colleges is characterised. It is found that a special role in the educational process was given to the formation of internal motivation for learning and self-improvement, as well as the education of high moral responsibility for their actions. The teaching methods in Jesuit colleges were innovative for that time. It was deliberately aimed at fully involving students in the process of learning new things. Jesuit teachers actively used a variety of interactive teaching methods, such as public discussions, debates on actual issues, instructive and interesting theatre performances, writing essays and poems in exquisite Latin.It is shown that the Jesuit model of education has had a significant impact on the development of schooling in Europe. Many educational institutions in different countries borrowed and adapted the Jesuits’ progressive pedagogical approaches. Some of them remain relevant and are widely implemented in modern schools to this day.

A RETROSPECTIVE OF THE KEY NARRATIVES OF STATE PROPAGANDA IN THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS DURING THE PRESIDENCY OF ALEXANDER LUKASHENKO

Leonid Lenko — 2025-11-28

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the conceptual and practical aspects of state propaganda in the Republic of Belarus during the presidency of Alexander Lukashenko. The research is grounded in an integrative methodological framework that combines classical theories of political communication with contemporary approaches to the securitization of the informational sphere, thereby elucidating the evolution of legitimizing narratives in response to shifting political, social, and economic conditions. Key narratives examined include «Father of the Nation», «Guarantee of Stability and Order», «Fighter Against External Threats», «Indispensable Manager», «Expert in All Fields», «Leader in the Fight Against Corruption and Oligarchs», and «Last Defender of Soviet Moral Values», which collectively contribute to constructing the image of a «people’s» leader and consolidating control over public consciousness. The study notes that in the early 1990s, Lukashenko’s political course differed significantly from the current reality in Belarus. It was during this period that his political career gained its first momentum: in 1990, he was elected a deputy to the Supreme Soviet of the Byelorussian SSR. As a member of parliament, Lukashenko openly criticised the ruling regime, focusing on the authoritarian traits of the leadership and the preservation of communist ideology. During Lukashenko’s rule, a number of key narratives were formed that contributed to the legitimisation of his power, combining both traditional and innovative elements of state propaganda. Particular attention is devoted to exploring the instruments and channels of dissemination – such as state media, the educational system, mass cultural events, and the administrative apparatus – which serve as the primary mechanisms for mobilizing the population. Sociological evidence indicates that despite the high consumption of official information, a gradual decline in trust toward state media has contributed to the emergence of protest sentiments, thereby confirming the adaptive and transformative character of propaganda strategies in the contemporary context. The findings bear significant practical implications for understanding the mechanisms underlying the formation of political consciousness and ensuring information security amid a dynamic political landscape.

ACTIVITIES OF UKRAINIAN COMMUNITIES IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC IN SUPPORT OF UKRAINE DURING THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR IN 2014–2024

Iryna Malatsai — 2025-11-28

The article examines the multidimensional activities of Ukrainian communities in the Czech Republic in the context of the full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war that began on 24 February 2022. The primary focus is on the role of Ukrainian civil society organisations as factors in supporting refugees, preserving Ukrainian culture abroad, and advocating for Ukraine’s interests in European society. It examines how the historical traditions of Ukrainian emigration in the early 20th century became the basis for the formation of stable diaspora structures capable of effectively responding to the modern challenges of war. Particular attention is paid to the activities of the Coordinating Council of Ukrainian Organisations in the Czech Republic, founded in 2002, as well as to individual public initiatives that emerged after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The article examines various forms of assistance, including humanitarian, psychological and legal support, the organisation of mass solidarity actions and cultural and educational events, as well as fundraising for the needs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The article emphasises the importance of cross-sectoral cooperation between Ukrainian civil society organisations, Czech state structures and international organisations. It highlights the Ukraine- centric nature of the communities’ activities, which contributes to the formation of a positive image of Ukraine in Europe. At the same time, problems related to financial difficulties, inter-organisational competition and information warfare are highlighted. Studying these processes not only allows us to record important manifestations of solidarity and self-organisation within the diaspora, but also deepens our understanding of the latest trends in the development of cross-border support networks that are forming in the context of global crises. The article is an attempt at a systematic analysis of the development of Ukrainian communities in the Czech Republic in the context of war and their significance in shaping cultural, social, and political support for Ukraine abroad.

CULTURAL ENCOUNTER: UKRAINIAN-JAPANESE CULTURAL RELATIONS IN THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY (AS EXEMPLIFIED BY THEATRE TOURS)

Iryna Skakalskaya — 2025-11-28

The article analyses the first cultural contacts between Ukraine and Japan that took place at the beginning of the 20th century, starting with the tour of the Ukrainian theatre troupe led by K. Karmelyuk-Kamensky in the Japanese cities of Kobe, Tokyo, Kamakura and Yokohama. Thanks to the cooperation with Japanese singer Matsui Sumako, these tours became possible, and thus Japanese society became acquainted with Ukrainian culture.It was found that Ukrainian actors in national costumes made a deep impression on the Japanese not only with their acting skills, but also with their performance of Ukrainian folk songs and dances, and the originality of Ukrainian culture.For Japan, this was a completely new experience and new knowledge about European culture, as Japan had remained a closed country for a long time. At the beginning of the 20th century, almost in parallel with the tour of the Ukrainian theatre, Japan experienced a cultural synthesis of Japanese traditions and Western European values, which, on the one hand, uniquely preserved and emphasised Japanese national identity, and on the other hand, organically wove European, and in particular Ukrainian, worldviews into Japanese culture.Given that numerous newspaper articles and other documents contain a wealth of information about the ‘Little Russian theatre troupe,’ we can conclude that audiences (and Japanese society as a whole) were aware that the actors were not from Russia but from Ukraine, and clearly distinguished between the activities of Russian and Ukrainian artists. In addition, most of the repertoire of the troupe led by K. Karmelyuk-Kamensky consisted of Ukrainian folk songs and dances, and theatrical performances and operas were performed in Ukrainian.Of course, the theatre tour of K. Karmelyuk-Kamensky’s Ukrainian troupe is only one small fragment of Ukrainian-Japanese cultural relations, but it was precisely the theatrical tour of Japan discussed in this article that marked the beginning of the Japanese acquaintance with Ukrainian culture and active Ukrainian-Japanese cultural relations.

EU COUNTRIES AND THE MIGRATION CRISIS: CHALLENGES, THREATS, SOLUTIONS

Liudmyla Strilchuk — 2025-11-28

The article analyses the impact of current migration processes on European Union countries and proves that modern migration is unprecedented in scale and brings about radical changes in host European societies. The increase in the proportion of migrants of different nationalities, religions and cultures in EU countries is leading to serious socio- cultural transformations that pose a serious threat to national identities and cultures. EU countries, which have accepted millions of migrants in recent decades, have faced a number of economic, social and cultural problems, leading to a migration crisis and increased social tensions in host societies.The reasons for the increase in the flow of migrants to EU countries have been analysed, and it has been proven that some migrants find it difficult to adapt (or are unable to adapt) to host societies, and therefore cultural and religious assimilation of European countries by migrants is taking place. This is one of the deepest causes of the migration crisis.As a result, most European Union countries are now facing the problem of social, cultural and religious transformations.Over the past 10 to 15 years, European Union countries have faced a serious migration crisis, which poses many challenges and threats to their societies. The fate of the alliance depends on how this crisis is resolved. This article analyses the long-term and short-term prospects and measures that the EU should take to resolve the migration crisis.In order to implement short-term and long-term measures to resolve the migration crisis, it is necessary to develop a strategy that suits all countries in the community.

EXAMPLES OF AWARDS IN PEACEMAKING PROCESSES: A HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF THEIR ROLE IN CONFLICT REGULATION

Mykhailo Tymoshyk — 2025-11-28

This article presents a comprehensive study of the role of award systems in peacemaking processes through the prism of a historical analysis of specific cases of their application in the settlement of international conflicts. The work is based on an interdisciplinary approach that combines methods of political science, international law and the theory of symbolic interaction to identify mechanisms of the influence of awards on the dynamics of negotiation processes and the behavior of conflicting parties. The study covers the period from the beginning of the 20th century to the present, analyzing the evolution of award practices from classical diplomacy to modern forms of international recognition of peacemaking initiatives.The methodological basis of the study is a comparative-historical analysis of representative cases of awarding international awards in the context of specific conflict situations. The author investigates the correlation between the moment of awarding an award, its symbolic significance, and subsequent changes in the negotiation dynamics, analyzing both the immediate and long-term effects of award initiatives. Particular attention is paid to the role of media discourse and public opinion in strengthening or weakening the impact of symbolic recognition on conflict participants.The study also examines the institutional aspects of award systems, including selection criteria, decision-making procedures, and mechanisms for ensuring the legitimacy of award initiatives. The results of the study demonstrate that award systems function as an important element of «soft power» in international relations, capable of significantly influencing the motivation of conflict participants to seek peaceful solutions. A pattern is revealed between the prestige of the award, its international recognition, and the effectiveness of its impact on the conflict situation. The analysis shows that the most significant effect is achieved in cases where the award is accompanied by broad international support and media attention, creating additional pressure on the conflict parties towards a peaceful settlement. The study also reveals the limitations of the effectiveness of reward mechanisms in conditions of deep-rooted ethnic, religious or territorial disputes.The practical significance of the work lies in the development of recommendations for optimizing the use of reward initiatives in modern diplomatic practice. The author proposes a typology of reward strategies depending on the nature of the conflict, the stage of the negotiation process and the cultural and political context. Particular emphasis is placed on the potential of regional reward systems as an alternative to global initiatives in cases where the latter may be perceived as a manifestation of cultural imperialism or political pressure. The study contributes to the theory of conflict management, expanding the understanding of the role of symbolic resources in peacemaking processes and providing an empirical basis for further research in the field of preventive diplomacy.The conclusions of the study emphasize the need to integrate reward mechanisms into comprehensive conflict resolution strategies, taking into account their ability to mobilize public support for peace initiatives and create positive incentives for constructive dialogue between the opposing parties. The work opens up prospects for further research in the field of symbolic diplomacy and its role in shaping the culture of the world at the regional and global levels.The results obtained can be used by international organizations, diplomatic services and civil society institutions to increase the effectiveness of peacekeeping efforts in the face of modern global challenges.

EDUCATIONAL MODELS OF ORGANIZING THE TRAINING AND UPBRINGING OF SAMURAI IN JAPAN, 16TH – MID-19TH CENTURIES

Anatolii Tkachuk — 2025-11-28

The article is devoted to the current problem concerning the organization and evolution of educational models of samurai training in the 16th – mid-19th centuries. Samurai in Japan for many centuries were the most influential social stratum. They displaced the traditional Japanese aristocracy from the place of the leading political force of the country and created their own state and political system – the shogunate. In different eras, the meaning of the concept of «samurai» was transformed according to specific historical circumstances, but its main component remained military service.Such a status in society was largely ensured by an effective system of upbringing and education from early childhood in samurai families and schools of various types. Samurai went through a long and difficult path of educational process throughout life. In order to become a true warrior, it was necessary to form and develop in oneself the basic principles of morality and learn to perfectly master all martial arts and specializations.At the age of 15, the young man underwent a rite of initiation into the samurai, received a real combat sword, with which he did not part throughout his life, and this completed the first stage of the educational process, which can be conditionally called family.In Japan in the 16th – first half of the 19th centuries. educational institutions of various types functioned, providing high-quality education to representatives of the samurai class. The level of education obtained allowed the samurai to be a master of martial arts, contributed to the formation of strong-willed qualities, discipline and rational thinking, which were needed both in everyday combat practices and in the implementation of career aspirations.The article draws attention to the fact that the models of organization of samurai education were generally effective and its results influenced, including the formation of a new face of Japanese identity.The samurai educational system proved to be able to adapt to new social conditions and ensure the formation of new criteria and principles of the cultural and educational level of the samurai. And it was not only about the level of professional training as a warrior, but also about the formation of the basic principles of morality, ethics and behavior, which were important in the life and social status of the samurai.

IDEOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS AND ELECTORAL SUPPORT OF THE FAR-RIGHT POLITICAL FORCE OF GERMANY “ALTERNATIVE FOR GERMANY” (2013–2025)

Liubomyr Khakhula — 2025-11-28

The article analyzes the ideological foundations and reasons for the electoral support of the German far-right party «Alternative for Germany» (AfD) from its creation in 2013 to its success in the 2025 federal elections. The evolution of AfD’s ideological foundations and factors of its electoral growth are critically analyzed. It is established that AfD evolved from a neoliberal economic platform to a nationalist-conservative position with elements of extremism. The party was formed from conservative factions of the CDU dissatisfied with Angela Merkel’s policies. Key ideological components of the political force became: anti-migration rhetoric, particularly Islamophobia; the concept of «de-foreignization» of German culture and language; ultra-nationalism; pro-Russian position, condemnation of anti-Russian sanctions.Electoral analysis showed AfD support growth from 1,9% (2013) to 20,8% (2025) with the highest support in eastern German states (Saxony – 37,3%, Thuringia – 38,6%), which correlated with the economic backwardness of these regions and lower percentage of foreign citizens. The sociological profile of AfD voters was characterized by male predominance (73% among permanent voters), lower education levels, high unemployment, extremely low trust in state institutions.After Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022, AfD voters demonstrated the most negative attitude toward Ukrainian refugees and disagreement with the German government’s support for Ukraine, reflecting the party’s pro-Russian platform. AfD’s political success was conditioned by a combination of economic dissatisfaction, cultural backlash against globalization, regional disparities, and effective populist mobilization. The AfD phenomenon demonstrates the persistence of ultra- radical beliefs in a significant part of German society and threats to the European democratic system.

EDUCATION AND PEDAGOGICAL THOUGHT OF ANCIENT ROME IN THE EARLY EMPIRE PERIOD

Svitlana Shulha — 2025-11-28

The article analyzes the educational system and pedagogical ideas of Ancient Rome and discusses their modifications during the early Empire. It is noted that with the establishment of Octavian Augustus’ Principate, the social system of Ancient Rome was transformed and acquired monarchical features. The focus is on searching for a «social consensus» and social support for the power of the Princeps based on the Senate and the equestrian class. The study has identified the ways of solving the social issues and creating a «new» administration that would meet the new goals and circumstances of the state’s existence and argues that the formation of administrative and management personnel in the central and provincial regions of the Empire was carried out from among the senatorial rank and the equestrian class, interested in preserving their power and influence, and completely devoted to the princeps. The article elucidates the educational system of Ancient Rome in the 3rd–2nd centuries BC and characterizes its three-stage school structure, revealing and updating the reasons for and changes in Roman school education during the Principate (1st–3rd centuries). The emphasis is placed on significant transformations in the content of rhetorical education, the formalized nature of education, and its focus on the professional training of administrators and managers devoted to the princeps. Rhetorical schools turned into elitist educational institutions with high fees and a limited social composition of students. The main learning method was memorization of texts and oratory exercises (progymnasmata), composing and delivering declamations. Trivial (primary) and grammar schools also operated in the early Empire, whose students had a low social status. Regarding the position of teachers, they were mostly of low origin and salary, and considered teaching as a way to increase their social status.The pedagogical ideas of Marcus Fabius Quintilian are identified as the basis for the formation of the educational system of the Middle Ages.

DEMOCRACY BACKSLIDING IN GEORGIA: TURNING FROM WEST TO RUSSIA

Kristine Adamadze — 2025-11-28

This article discusses Georgia’s democratic backsliding from its Western political trajectory toward a Russian-oriented path. Unfortunately, democratic regression is not a problem unique to Georgia – it is part of a global trend observed over the past two decades in both developed and developing countries. Among post-Soviet states, clear examples of this trend include Belarus, where an authoritarian regime has been firmly consolidated, and Russia, where political competition has been virtually eliminated. In this context, Georgia’s case is particularly significant, as it has historically been perceived as one of the leaders of democratic transition in the region. However, in recent years, declining trust in Western institutions, deepening political polarization, and the strengthening of authoritarian tendencies have created a trajectory that closely resembles the Russian model.The article analyzes these ongoing processes in Georgia dynamically – the anti-democratic actions taken by the ruling party “Georgian Dream”, and the methods through which the party is introducing elements of Russia’s so-called “sovereign democracy” and, to some extent, autocracy in Georgia. These include instilling fear in society, portraying the West as a threat to the country’s national sovereignty, and utilizing conspiracy theories suggesting that a “global war party” is fighting against them.The article also examines increasing pressure on opposition politicians and parties, the media, and independent NGOs. The most striking example of deviation from European standards was the law “On Transparency of Foreign Influence”, which became known as the “Russian law” due to its resemblance to legislation adopted in Russia in 2012.This sparked widespread public protest, increased Georgia’s isolation from the democratic world, and effectively froze the country’s integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions. As a result, Georgia has significantly “fallen behind” its fellow members of Association Trio – Moldova and Ukraine – with whom it had previously taken coordinated steps toward deeper European integration.

EVOLUTION OF THE ROLE OF THE EURO-ATLANTIC COMMUNITY IN SUPPORTING UKRAINE: FROM COUNTERING AGGRESSION IN A HYBRID WAR TO SYSTEMIC GLOBAL COOPERATION

Andrii Buzarov — 2025-11-28

This article explores the transformation of the roles played by subjects of the Euro-Atlantic community in the context of the Russia–Ukraine war during 2014–2022. The relevance of the study is driven by the need for scholarly reflection on how international support for Ukraine evolved in response to the escalation of hybrid aggression by the Russian Federation, which later developed into a full-scale invasion. The aim of the research is to identify, classify, and analytically interpret the roles performed by actors such as the European Union, NATO, the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Poland, and other partners of Ukraine.The methodological basis of the article is grounded in role theory in foreign policy, particularly the concepts of “national role conceptions” (Holsti), role adaptation, innovation, transformation, and abandonment. The research draws on the functionalist approach of Parsons and Merton, as well as contemporary developments by European scholars, particularly Fridriksson & Sommer (2023), allowing for comparative and dynamic analysis.The findings indicate that during 2014–2022, the subjects of the Euro-Atlantic community acted as a multi-role collective actor, with each state or organization performing specific roles (coordinator, facilitator, provider, partner, promoter, or protector) depending on their institutional capacities and foreign policy agendas. The EU focused on supporting reforms, the civil security sector, and macro-financial assistance, while NATO, the U.S., and several individual states provided substantial support to Ukraine’s defense sector. Ukraine, in turn, demonstrated a strong ability to integrate these resources and strategies, which became a key factor in its resilience. Special attention is given to the role of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the national will to resist, and the support for developing its own defense potential.

POLITICAL CONSULTING STRATEGIES FOR POLARIZED SOCIETIES BASED ON NETWORK ANALYTICS

Svitlana Vovk — 2025-11-28

The relevance of this research is due to the ongoing transformations of the political and information environment, where digital platforms have become the main channels of political communication. In this environment, the polarization of public opinion is increasing which is manifested through the formation of information bubbles, the growing role of emotional content, and the amplification of cognitive biases. Polarization not only complicates the interaction between different ideological groups, but also creates risks of social instability and radicalization of certain segments of the population, which makes the study of effective political consulting strategies as an extremely relevant. The aim of the article is to develop and justify the strategies of political consulting for polarized societies by applying a set of methods that unclude network analysis for determination the central role of nodes and identification of сorrelations between clusters, content analysis to assess thematic dominants and the tone of political messages, social media analytics to collect and process large amounts of data on users behavior, as well as a comparative analysis of consulting strategies to evaluate their effectiveness under different levels of polarization. The results of the research demonstrate that the integration of structural and content-based approaches contributes the effectiveness of political communications, reduces social conflict, and creates prerequisites for more constructive dialogue between different groups. The proposed strategies of targeted communication, strengthening inter-cluster connections and adaptive content policy have practical significance not only in the national content, but also in international regional conditions, taking into account globalization, regionalization processes, and the transformation of the international system, which form new challenges and opportunities for modern political consulting.

INSTITUTIONAL ASPECTS OF THE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND AND UKRAINE (BASED ON THE ACTIVITIES OF THE COUNCIL FOR COOPERATION WITH UKRAINE)

Yurii Dmytruk — 2025-11-28

The article explores the institutional aspects of cooperation between Poland and Ukraine through the example of the Council for Cooperation with Ukraine, operating under the Government of the Republic of Poland. The Council serves as an innovative mechanism for coordinating political, economic, humanitarian, and regional initiatives – its role becoming particularly relevant in the context of war and growing security instability in Eastern Europe. The study provides a detailed analysis of the Council’s structure, its thematic working groups, and the role of key political and administrative actors shaping the bilateral agenda between the two states.Special attention is given to the practical dimension of the Council’s activity, particularly the operations of its regional office in the Podkarpackie Voivodeship and the implementation of the “Carpathian Reconstruction” project, which aims to strengthen cross-border partnership and support the joint reconstruction of war-affected areas. The paper highlights the experience of coordinating actions among Polish governmental bodies, Ukrainian partners, and international institutions, particularly in the areas of humanitarian aid, military support, economic cooperation, and innovative technologies.The Council is presented as an effective political institution capable not only of performing consultative functions but also of directly influencing the process of formulating and implementing strategic decisions regarding support for Ukraine during wartime and in the post-war period. The role of the Council’s Chairman, Professor Paweł Kowal, is emphasized, as his expertise and political experience contribute significantly to the institution’s competence and legitimacy on the international stage.Based on the collected empirical data, the article evaluates the Council’s effectiveness as a model of inter-institutional coordination and outlines its long-term potential in cross-border partnership and regional security recovery. It also stresses the importance of developing new, flexible, and multi-actor cooperation platforms that go beyond traditional diplomacy, especially in the context of global crises and regional conflicts.

FEATURES OF PUBLIC DIPLOMACY IN UKRAINE DURING MARTIAL LAW

Natalia Lepska — 2025-11-28

The article explores the transformation of Ukraine’s public diplomacy in the context of the full-scale war with the Russian Federation which has been ongoing since 2022. Public diplomacy is considered a critically important tool of foreign policy aimed at shaping a positive image of Ukraine, consolidating international support, mobilizing resources, and countering the information operations of the aggressor state. The authorth emphasizes the changing nature of diplomatic communication during wartime: from traditional information work to a multi-level dialogue with governments, civil society, media, cultural communities, and international audiences overall. Special attention is paid to the analysis of new formats of public diplomacy that emerged after February 24, 2022. These include the UNITED24 platform, the Ukraine Recovery Conferences (URC), the development of municipal (community-based) diplomacy, and the rise of veteran diplomacy. It is proved that these formats not only represent Ukraine’s national interests abroad but also deepen international solidarity, strengthen emotional connections with global audiences, and build long-term partnerships. The article also highlights successful communication practices by official institutions, non-governmental organizations, cultural ambassadors, and military veterans, who have become key actors of Ukraine’s public diplomacy.Particular attention is paid to a new direction in public diplomacy – veteran diplomacy, the effectiveness and significance of which are demonstrated by specific examples of its use in contemporary realities. The conclusions emphasize that public diplomacy in wartime is not a secondary activity, but one of the defining factors of Ukraine’s international subjectivity, which should remain a priority in the post-war period.

ARMED CONFLICT AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE CONTEXT OF CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL THEORY

Tetiana Liashenko — 2025-11-28

The article analyzes the role of civil society in the context of an armed conflict, using Ukraine as a case study.It demonstrates the transformation of the relationship between the state and the civic sector, the intensification of volunteer practices and horizontal mobilization, and outlines threats to democracy. The research combines theoretical frameworks of modern political science with empirical observations of the activities of Ukrainian civil society institutions during the war.The author notes that armed conflicts present existential challenges to society, forcing a rethinking of civil society’s role as a catalyst for collective action. In the case of Ukraine, the war has become a mobilizing foundation for citizen self-organization. However, the work also draws attention to a number of threats to the development of civil society organizations. First, there is the risk of burnout – societal resources are limited. Second, there is the danger of losing its critical function: in a situation of consolidation, any criticism of the authorities can be perceived as destructive or even as betrayal. Consequently, mechanisms of civic control may weaken, which poses a long-term threat to democracy.Furthermore, civil society organization (CSO) development indices highlight problems of financial instability, activist burnout, and staff shortages. This threatens the long-term sustainability of the sector, especially after the war ends.The article analyzes the most prevalent models of civil society – pluralist and corporatist. The author concludes that the Ukrainian experience demonstrates the simultaneous presence of features from both civil society models.The study argues that during wartime, the state, on one hand, must maintain the legitimacy of its coercive decisions and work towards mobilizing both material and human resources, while on the other hand, it must refrain from authoritarian tendencies. It is precisely civil society that, in such situations, should influence political decision-making. The conclusions emphasize that the future of Ukrainian civil society lies in finding a balance between its mobilizing power and the restoration of a healthy critical function, thereby ensuring not only victory in the war but also the construction of an open, just, and prosperous society in the post-war period.

JOHN LOCKE’S “TWO TREATISE OF GOVERNMENT”: THE PROBLEM OF MAN AND POWER

Volodymyr Muliar — 2025-11-28

The article presents the concept of man, his nature, essence and functioning in the space of social life, in particular political power, which was formulated by the outstanding English intellectual of the 17th century, philosopher, educator, and de facto founder of political liberalism, John Locke, in his main work, “Two Treatises of Government”, published in1690. It is noted that the book was written as a criticism of the royalist theory of man, his nature, essence, and functioning in the space of social life, in particular political power, which was formulated by another well-known English intellectual of the 17th century, philosopher Robert Filmer, in his main work “Patriarcha, or The Natural Power of Kings”, which was published after the author’s death (1680). The four main theoretical, methodological and worldview positions of R. Filmer’s work are highlighted, which J. Locke consistently reveals in the first book of his treatise. He begins his criticism with the ascending theoretical position of R. Filmer’s work, where he claims that man is not free by nature, because no man is born free. The second position of R. Filmer’s concept, which is cited and analyzed by J. Locke, tries to convince the reader that people obey their parents from birth, which means that the basis of human relations is “paternal authority”, which, as R. Filmer believed, traces its origin to Adam as the first man in human history who received such authority from God and transferred it to the patriarchs, essentially monarchs. Since this is so, the only logical form of governing the common life of people, claimed R. Filmer, is a monarchical state. And its perfect form is absolute monarchy. It is emphasized that in the process of analyzing the above provisions, J. Locke expresses doubts about their truth, because, as he himself notes, he does not find in his opponent solid evidence that they are legitimate. The article provides examples of such doubts.J. Locke’s own vision of the problems of man, his nature, essence and functioning in the space of social life, in particular political power, is shown, which is highlighted in the second book of his treatise, in particular in chapter II “The State of Nature”. The first, fundamental position about man as a free being is revealed, who, according to J. Locke, is equal among other people, and therefore by nature does not reside in the space of Filmer’s “paternal power”, “royal power”. In continuation of these provisions, attention is focused on J. Locke’s belief in the natural ability of people to unite among themselves for the sake of common interests, the satisfaction of which will ensure each person’s individual interests. Quotes from the thinker’s work are given that prove these views of his. The logic of J. Locke’s proof of the organic relationship between human nature and the system of governance as a civil society is shown, which the philosopher calls the best condition for a decent human life in the space of political power.

THE IMPACT OF DEMOCRATIC PRACTICES ON THE FORMATION OF COLLECTIVE IDENTITY IN THE UNITED STATES

Valerii Patalakha — 2025-11-28

The article analyses the process of forming a collective American identity as a result of the increasingly widespread introduction of democratic practices, which was accompanied by the strengthening of the federal government. It is noted that an important role was played by the ratification of the Constitution, written without the participation of the people, which became the starting point for the formation of a new collective identity of the citizens of the American state. To achieve this goal, both newspaper articles and various mass events, such as festivals and processions, were used to encourage citizens to participate in politics. Political technologies of everyday life in America at the time, such as newspaper debates and processions, served as a means of expressing unity and as a tool for fighting for voter support. As a result, the constant politicisation of patriotic symbols contributed to the strengthening of collective identity. The author examines the peculiarities of the presidency of T. Jefferson, who managed to involve citizens in the governance of the state, which in fact meant the end of the elitist projects of state-building proposed by the Founding Fathers. Popular participation and competition between political actors laid a new foundation for the legitimacy of American politics.The role of political parties as one of the important instruments of political identity formation in democratic societies is analysed. It is proved that the emergence of stable organisations with a broad membership base meant a broader transformation of social processes that created and reproduced American identity. It is noted that one of the innovations in party building at that time, which contributed to the strengthening of collective identity, was the introduction of the primaries procedure and a multi-level system of party conventions. Such steps offered a more direct connection with voters and their greater participation in party affairs than was the case in the «old» parties.

THE MUSLIM DIASPORA IN CONTEMPORARY NORWAY: HISTORY, CHALLENGES AND DANGERS

Oleksii Petriaiev — 2025-11-28

The article examines the problem of increasing influence of Muslim migrants in the Kingdom of Norway. Particular attention is paid to the issue of social policy of the country in relation to Muslims, as well as the issue of Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism, which pose a threat to the national security of the country. Anti-Muslim views began to develop very strongly in Norwegian society after 2010, and especially after the migration crisis in the European Union in 2015–2016. Part of the population of Norway believes that there is a slow takeover of their country by Muslim migrants, who are gradually and systematically building a parallel society. Various statistical studies conducted in Norway over the past few years show the increasing dynamics of the development of Islamophobia among the indigenous population of Norway. Muslim migrants began to arrive in the country during the economic growth in the sixties as workers. In the second half of the seventies, some workers from Muslim countries such as Pakistan, Turkey and Morocco began to move their families and received citizenship. Later, during the conflicts in the Middle East, Africa and the former Yugoslav republics, war refugees began to move to Norway. The country attracted them with its high standard of living and developed social system. Gradually, a problem with their integration arose. Today, many migrants have a poor knowledge of Norwegian and do not have a higher education, which most often becomes the reason for the inability to find a job with good pay. They are forced to live in poor areas and engage in small-scale entrepreneurship. Also, young Muslims cannot integrate and experience a sense of renunciation, which is used by various Islamic extremist organizations such as the Islamic State, pushing them to commit terrorist attacks in Norwegian cities. At the same time, a feeling of hatred and Islamophobia is growing in Norwegian society, which is expressed in open discrimination on religious, cultural, linguistic and ethnic grounds, and also contributes to the increase in the influence of right-wing Norwegian political parties that build their strategy on populist slogans.

POLITICAL SYSTEM AND ECONOMIC RESILIENCE: INTERCONNECTION AND CONTEMPORARY CHALLENGES

Vladyslav Pustovar — 2025-11-28

The article presents a comprehensive study of the relationship between political stability and the economic security of the state. It analyzes theoretical approaches to understanding political systems and identifies how the effectiveness of their functioning influences economic development and the resilience of the national economy. The author applies institutional and systemic approaches, which make it possible to reveal the key mechanisms of interaction between political and economic institutions under modern conditions.The study is based on the classical concepts of G. Almond, S. Verba, K. Deutsch, D. Easton, and T. Parsons, as well as on modern scientific developments in the field of political science and economic security. The article carries out a multidimensional analysis of the political system, taking into account structural, functional, cultural, and communication factors. This provides a detailed understanding of how institutional architecture and the quality of public administration affect economic stability and the ability of the state to withstand internal and external challenges.The role of political parties and civil society organizations as mediators between the state and society is analyzed.The article demonstrates how these institutions influence the formation of public policy, ensure the transparency of managerial decisions, and contribute to the development of democratic processes, thus enhancing the institutional resilience of the political system.Special attention is paid to the analysis of international experience. Using Germany and Switzerland as examples, the study illustrates how political stability can create prerequisites for sustainable economic growth, attract investment, and improve the population’s standard of living. Conversely, the situation in Venezuela is analyzed, where political crises, corruption, and ineffective governance have led to devastating economic consequences. The results of the research confirm that the effectiveness of the political system is a critical factor in the economic security of the state. It is revealed that stable governance, decision-making transparency, and coordination of political institutions create favorable conditions for economic resilience, investment attractiveness, and social well-being.The study concludes that the development of the institutional capacity of the political system directly affects the state’s ability to adapt to global challenges and maintain a balance between internal and external interests.

U.S.A. HEALTHCARE POLICY IN THE DYNAMICS OF POLITICAL COMPETITION

Olha Sokurenko — 2025-11-28

The article analyzes the specific features of the U.S. healthcare system and proves its role not only as a mechanism for providing medical services but also as a key factor in political development, public trust, and stability. It is viewed as a space of active political competition where the interests of the state, business, and civil society intersect, and policy decisions directly affect the accessibility and quality of medical services.The structural characteristics of the American model are examined, highlighting the historical dominance of private insurance combined with state programs such as Medicare and Medicaid. This structure has led to fragmentation of the system and significant disparities in access to medical services across regions and social groups, which are further amplified by the political autonomy of the states.The Affordable Care Act reform is reviewed as a key stage in attempts to unify basic standards and expand access to healthcare services. Despite intense political conflicts, most of the reform’s provisions have been preserved, although the repeal of financial penalties in 2017 and reduced funding for public information campaigns have lowered public engagement in the insurance system.The article explores the deep political polarization surrounding healthcare issues. Debates on Medicaid and Medicare reforms, mandatory vaccination, pharmaceutical market regulation, and reproductive rights have highlighted a profound ideological divide between the major U.S. political forces.It is demonstrated that the U.S. healthcare system is a politically saturated and structurally fragmented space that combines ideas of individualism, market freedom, and social solidarity. The future development of this model will depend on the ability of the political system to overcome institutional barriers, reach sustainable compromises, and respond effectively to key healthcare challenges.

THE INTERNATIONAL IMAGE OF THE STATE AS A STRATEGIC RESOURCE IN THE GLOBALIZED INFORMATION ENVIRONMENT

Roman Shykhutskyi — 2025-11-28

The article substantiates that in the context of a globalized information space, the international image of a state functions as a strategic resource that determines its political subjectivity, economic attractiveness, and security resilience. The study analyzes the interaction of public diplomacy, political PR, and the concept of soft power, and identifies the necessity of aligning these tools with the long-term foreign policy priorities of the state. It reveals the multidimensional structure of the international image and the dependence of its components on political, economic, cultural, and humanitarian factors.The article demonstrates the key role of crisis communications in the foreign policy context as an instrument for preserving and restoring international reputation. Special attention is paid to anticipatory communication, which makes it possible to minimize reputational losses, as well as to the damage control approach, which provides for timely problem recognition, public accountability, and the development of clear plans for overcoming consequences to maintain the trust of the international community.The institutional conditions for improving the effectiveness of the state’s communication activities are identified.The coordinating role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine is emphasized, the importance of diplomatic missions as communication centers is outlined, and the feasibility of establishing strategic communication and crisis PR units within embassies is substantiated. The role of the institution of Ambassadors Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary as conduits of the political will of the state’s top leadership and facilitators of interstate dialogue is highlighted, along with the importance of early detection of vulnerabilities and the transformation of risks into opportunities for development.The author’s contribution lies in the formulation of practical recommendations for the creation of specialized analytical centers for monitoring and forecasting, strengthening human capacity in the field of strategic communications, and developing a unified national concept of Ukraine’s communication positioning. The expected outcome of implementing these measures is the enhancement of narrative consistency, the strengthening of international trust, and the transformation of the state’s communication potential into an effective tool for strategic development and long-term international partnership.

EUPHEMISMS IN POLITICS: FROM RHETORICAL FORMULAS TO THE TECHNOLOGY OF INFLUENCING PUBLIC CONSCIOUSNESS

Serhii Yahodzinskуi — 2025-11-28

This study is devoted to the phenomenon of euphemisms in political discourse as a crucial tool for linguistic manipulation and shaping public consciousness. Euphemisms in politics perform complex functions of softening, substituting, and recoding ideological messages, enabling covert legitimization of ambiguous or contentious phenomena, reducing social resistance, and creating a more acceptable image of events. The paper analyzes the current state of research in Ukrainian and Western linguistics, encompassing theoretical approaches to euphemistic strategies, their semantic and pragmatic functions, as well as their role in constructing political imagery and shaping public opinion. Special attention is given to the context of the ongoing Ukrainian war and the informational challenges of the 21st century, where euphemisms acquire new, sometimes paradoxical meanings, serving as instruments of mobilization, disinformation, or masking harsh realities. The study also explores transformations of euphemistic devices in the digital space, particularly their adaptation to social media formats, short messaging, and multimedia platforms, which influence how political information is perceived by citizens. Key trends, challenges, and prospects for further interdisciplinary research combining linguistics, political communication, cognitive science, media studies, and psychology are outlined. The review is based on an analysis of key works by Ukrainian and foreign scholars, providing a comprehensive understanding of the functions and significance of political euphemisms in modern information society.

ANALYSIS OF THE CURRENT STATE OF THE LABOR MARKET IN THE ZAPORIZHIA REGION: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES

Snizhana Bondarenko — 2025-11-28

The article highlights the consequences of the full-scale invasion for the socio-economic situation in Zaporizhzhia region. Particular attention is paid to the study of profound transformations experienced by the key areas of regional development – education, industry, and the labor market – under martial law. It is shown how the loss of control over part of the territories, in particular the temporary occupation of certain communities, the mass evacuation of the population, the physical destruction of industrial and educational infrastructure, as well as dynamic migration processes, led to a sharp decline in the activity of industrial enterprises, a significant reduction in the number of students, and increased pressure on the regional labor market.The article provides a systematic overview of the current state of the region, taking into account present challenges and opportunities. Special attention is devoted to the analysis of changes in the structure of employment, manifested through the displacement of labor resources. A significant share of qualified workers was forced to change jobs or leave the region, which created additional challenges for the formation of human capital.The activities of the Employment Service and state authorities under crisis conditions are examined. Programs to support employers, retrain citizens, and provide grants aimed at revitalizing economic activity in the region are considered. It is revealed that state policy in the field of labor market regulation is increasingly oriented towards creating conditions for self-employment of the population and for the development of small and medium-sized businesses. Changes in the personnel policies of large enterprises, which were also forced to adapt to wartime conditions, are analyzed.Key directions for stabilizing the regional labor market, supporting education, and restoring the economic potential of Zaporizhzhia region under wartime conditions are outlined. Recovery requires a comprehensive approach: modernization of enterprises, restoration of educational institutions with the introduction of innovative teaching methods, creation of conditions for the return of the population and integration of internally displaced persons. An important factor is the development of partnerships between authorities, business, and the scientific community in order to ensure the effective use of available labor resources and to form a strategy for the region’s development in the post-war period.This article is part of the dissertation research “State Regulation of Regional Labor Resources”.

THE ROLE OF COMMUNICATIVE AND INSTITUTIONAL INTERACTION IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF INCLUSIVE PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION IN UKRAINE

Nadiia Vasyniova — 2025-11-28

The article discusses the relevance of modernizing public administration mechanisms in Ukraine in the context of European integration and the challenges of the war and post-war periods. It emphasizes the strategic importance of effective communication and institutional interaction between government authorities and civil society for building trust, legitimacy of decisions, and sustainable development. The author examines specific practices aimed at studying the level of interaction between residents and local authorities and outlines key aspects that should be taken into account when implementing such initiatives. The importance of early forecasting of effective practices of interaction in the context of post-war recovery is emphasized, with an assessment of their sustainability, adaptability, and potential for recovery and transformation in changed socio-political circumstances. At the same time, the feasibility of expanding the methodological basis for studying the interaction between authorities and the community by detailing external and internal factors is justified; deeper elaboration of analytical components within each of the areas studied (“regulatory framework”; “activities”; “impact/results”), etc. It is concluded that taking these approaches into account deepens theoretical understanding and strengthens the empirical component of the analysis of the interaction between the authorities and the community, focused on the principles of multi-level participation, trust, and inclusion.Promising mechanisms for the transformation of inclusive public administration have been identified, in particular co-creation and citizen oversight, which are key tools for effective interaction between the authorities and the public.However, it is emphasized that there is a need to transform traditional models of interaction by developing partnerships and introducing proactive communication tools, which are critical for the sustainable development of local communities and regions.

ANALYSIS OF POSITIVE CASES OF IMPLEMENTATION OF STATE POLICY ON INNOVATIVE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIAL ENTREPRENEURSHIP IN GREAT BRITAIN: PROSPECTS FOR APPLYING INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE IN UKRAINE

Viktoriya Gura — 2025-11-28

The article provides a systematic analysis of government policy supporting the innovative development of social entrepreneurship in the United Kingdom during 2010–2025 with the aim of identifying relevant mechanisms for adaptation to the Ukrainian context of post-war recovery. The study is based on an analysis of official government documents, regulatory reports, and verified statistical data characterizing the evolution of the British model of support for social innovation. The methodology includes institutional analysis, comparative studies, and case study approaches to identify the most effective public policy tools. It has been established that the architecture of the British system is based on four interrelated components: mandatory consideration of social value in public procurement through the Social Value Model with a minimum weight of 10%, results-oriented financing through the Life Chances Fund (£80 million), capitalization of social investment through “dormant assets” and Big Society Capital, creation of specialized legal forms (CIC) and contract readiness programs.Empirical results show that in 2019, the sector comprised 131,000 social enterprises employing 1.28 million people, contributing £78 billion to the economy (3.4% of GDP) and cumulatively distributing £982 million to social causes. An analysis of the Peterborough SIB case confirmed the effectiveness of outcome-based contracts, with a 9% reduction in recidivism, while the Growth Fund and Reach Fund provided large-scale funding to small organizations in resource-constrained areas. A model has been proposed for Ukraine that includes amendments to public procurement legislation with the establishment of a 5–10% weighting for social criteria. The priority areas are the reintegration of demobilized persons, support for IDPs, the development of depressed regions, and inclusive employment, which will ensure the mobilization of private capital for social purposes even in conditions of limited budget resources.

THE ROLE OF PUBLIC ORDER IN ENSURING NATIONAL SECURITY UNDER CONDITIONS OF TURBULENT THREATS

Viktoriia Zahurska-Antoniuk — 2025-11-28

The article explores the significance of public order as a key component of the national security system under conditions of growing social, political, and informational turbulence. The authors analyze the transformation of security concepts in the context of instability, where the boundaries between peace and conflict become increasingly blurred, and traditional mechanisms of legal regulation lose their effectiveness. Particular attention is given to hybrid threats that combine military, economic, informational, and social factors, complicating the maintenance of public order as a stabilizing element of societal development. The study reveals the role of state institutions, local self-government bodies, and civil society in ensuring law and order, protecting citizens’ rights and freedoms, and neutralizing destructive influences. It is emphasized that public order not only guarantees individual safety but also serves as an indicator of a state’s resilience to internal and external challenges. The article substantiates the need for a comprehensive approach to maintaining public order, involving the integration of legal, administrative, and communication tools. The research highlights the importance of adaptive governance in the face of multidimensional threats arising from global destabilization processes. The author examines crisis response mechanisms, particularly in the context of hybrid challenges that lack clearly defined sources and forms. It is stressed that effective public order management requires not only regulatory frameworks but also active public participation, interinstitutional coordination, and strategic forecasting. The conclusion drawn is that in turbulent conditions, public order functions as a systemic stabilizer capable of sustaining social cohesion, legal certainty, and public trust in state institutions.

ETHNOPOLITICAL MANAGEMENT IN UKRAINE: NATIONAL AND REGIONAL (TRANSCARPATHIAN) DIMENSIONS

Mykhaylo Zan — 2025-11-28

The article explores the challenges of ethnopolitical management in Ukraine at both the national and regional levels, with particular attention to the Transcarpathian region as a case study. The author reviews recent scholarly research and publications addressing this issue. It is argued that ethnopolitical management in Ukraine has undergone four distinct stages of development: Stage I (1991–2004): during this period, the state’s ethnopolitical model closely aligned with the principles of multiculturalism; Stage II (2005–2013): this stage was characterized by the politicization of language and minority rights-particularly concerning the Russian-speaking population-leading to the emergence of a pronounced «East–West» divide in Ukraine’s ethnopolitical discourse; Stage III (2014–2021): in response to new political and security challenges, Ukraine adopted an integrationist model of ethnopolitics, aiming to strengthen national unity; Stage IV (from February 2022): amid the full-scale Russian invasion, efforts have intensified to counter disinformation and the destructive narrative of the «Russian World», contributing to the formation of a renewed Ukrainian political identity.The author emphasizes that, at the strategic level of ethnopolitical management in Ukraine, several key government institutions are involved. These include the Committee on Human Rights, De-occupation and Reintegration of the Temporarily Occupied Territories of Ukraine, National Minorities, and Interethnic Relations; the Commissioner of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine for Human Rights; the Commissioner for the Protection of the State Language; and the Department for Supporting the Activities of the President’s Commissioner for the Affairs of the Crimean Tatar People, among others. At the tactical level, the management of ethnocultural diversity and the regulation of ethnopolitical processes are carried out by the State Service of Ukraine for Ethnic Policy and Freedom of Conscience (DESS). Advisory bodies operating at the national level include the Expert Council on Ethnic Policy and the Council of Public Associations of National Minorities (Communities) of Ukraine.It was found that, at the regional level – in particular in Transcarpathia – the structure of ethnopolitical management includes the following institutions: the Standing Commission on Education, Science, Spirituality, and National Minorities under the Transcarpathian Regional Council; the Department of Nationalities and Religions within the Department of Strategic Communications, Nationalities, and Religions of the Transcarpathian Regional State (Military) Administration; and the Center for Cultures of National Minorities of Transcarpathia, located in the city of Uzhhorod.Taking into account the positive experience of neighboring countries and the pressing need to address specific ethnopolitical challenges in Ukraine, the author recommends that, in the post-war period, the Ukrainian government establish the institution of a Government Plenipotentiary for Roma Communities. Additionally, it is proposed to create a dedicated structural unit within the State Service of Ukraine for Ethnic Policy and Freedom of Conscience (DESS), whose primary function would be to coordinate ethnocultural engagement with the Ukrainian diaspora.

FORMATION OF REGIONAL SECURITY CLUSTERS AS A DIRECTION FOR IMPLEMENTING THE TRANSFORMATIONAL MECHANISM OF NATIONAL SECURITY

Yevhenii Taran — 2025-11-28

The article investigates the procedure of creation and function of regional security clusters in Ukraine, unveils their role as a instrument for altering the national security system, describes the tenets, structure, functions and methods of coordination among state, local, and non-government structures, and evaluates the outlook for their advancement and effect on improving the effectiveness of the security environment. The goal is to justify the theoretical bases and formulate practical mechanisms for the establishment and operation of regional security clusters in Ukraine, considering transformational processes to boost the effectiveness of the national security system. The research utilized methods like system analysis, the structural-functional approach, comparative analysis, expert evaluation techniques, and forecasting. The main objective is to guarantee effective collaboration between state, local, and non-governmental institutions within regional security clusters. This facilitates enhanced stability of the national security system, the efficiency of responses to difficulties, and the capacity to extensively manage risks amidst transformational changes.Theoretical viewpoints on understanding national security and transformational mechanisms for its provision are examined. The core concepts and main tenets of establishing regional security clusters are defined. Global experience in forming and managing regional security clusters has been assessed, and beneficial practices and recommendations for Ukraine have been pinpointed. The key criteria for the establishment and function of regional security clusters have been elucidated. The process of forming and operating regional security clusters in Ukraine has been examined through the lens of regional cluster formation principles, the structure, and functions of regional security clusters. Coordination methods among state, local and non-state entities have been suggested to boost the efficiency of the cluster approach.The opportunities for the expansion of regional security clusters and their influence on raising the overall effectiveness of the national security system were pinpointed.

BYZANTINE STRATEGY IN THE RESEARCH OF EDWARD LUTTVAK (REVIEW OF THE BOOK BY E. LUTTVAK “STRATEGY OF THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE”)

Mykola Vitenko — 2025-11-28

BYZANTINE STRATEGY IN THE RESEARCH OF EDWARD LUTTVAK (REVIEW OF THE BOOK BY E. LUTTVAK “STRATEGY OF THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE”)

NEW MONOGRAPH BY BOHDAN KINDRATYUK ON THE MUSICAL ART OF THE HALYCH-VOLYN PRINCIPALITY

Nataliia Syrotynska — 2025-11-28

NEW MONOGRAPH BY BOHDAN KINDRATYUK ON THE MUSICAL ART OF THE HALYCH-VOLYN PRINCIPALITY

NEW MONOGRAPH ABOUT THE RECTOR OF CHERNIVTSK UNIVERSITY, PROFESSOR-SLAVICIST E. KOZAK

Vasyl Karpo — 2025-11-28

Review of the monograph: Chuchko M., Gryaban V. Yevheniy Kozak (1857–1933): life and scientific achievements of the rector of Chernivtsi University, professor of Slavic studies, clergyman (to the 150th anniversary of the founding of the university in Chernivtsi): monograph. Chernivtsi: Druk Art, 2025. 136 p.