Litopys Volyni http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys <p>Опис</p> Publishing House Helvetica uk-UA Litopys Volyni 2305-9389 METHODOLOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF RESEARCHING SELF-GOVERNMENT IN VOLYN CITIES IN THE LATE MIDDLE AGES http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/584 <p>The theoretical and methodological foundations of the study of self-government in the cities of Volyn in the late Middle Ages have been summarised. It is a set of general scientific and special historical methods of knowledge, such as ascent from the abstract to the concrete, analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, systemic, institutional, structural and functional, interdisciplinary, comparative, quantitative analysis, etc. Among the special historical methods problematic-chronological, retrospective, prosopographical, historical and legal, and other methods have been used. Particular attention has been paid to the issues of adherence to the principles of objectivity and the departure from ideological clichés and restrictions that have prevailed in historical science until recent years. The methods of cognition and theoretical generalisations of auxiliary disciplines have been involved: military history, historical regionalism, historical urbanism, historical anthropology, history of international relations, history of state and law, history and theory of local self-government, etc. That is, we are talking about the introduction of a multidisciplinary methodology of scientific analysis. The localisation of history at the level of individual cities, family ties, and the study of the mental characteristics of the subjects and objects of urban governance required the use of appropriate methods that are generally inherent in local and micro social history, historical anthropology, etc. The city and the castle were parts of a single social organism. The specifics of the complex socio-cultural structure of the urban population, which required legal regulation and was reflected in the order of city management, its structure, functions, and the nature of relations with the institutions of state and local authorities has been shown. The legal status of Volyn towns within the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Ruthenia, and Zemaitia was determined by the spheres of zemstvo (grand ducal), patrimonial (princes, lords, and polish landed gentry), and Magdeburg (city) law. Alongside them, there were systems of law of ethno-confessional communities of Tatars, Armenians, Jews, Karaites and others with their own jurisdiction. The author shows that the existence of different systems of law in the city had a negative impact on the development of the economy and replenishment of the city treasury, since the main burden of taxes was borne by the burghers, including those of Magdeburg jurisdiction. It has been proved that the existence of different systems of law and the existence of the so-called juridica system significantly influenced the nature of social relations in cities, leading to unequal relations between certain groups of the population.</p> Аlla Bortnikova Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 9 14 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.01 EMBROIDER OUTFITS IN THE FATE OF ONE COUPLE IN 40’S OF XX CENTURY http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/587 <p>The center of this study is the embroidery of the author's women's attire and the embroidered men's shirt of Larysa Kukuryk. The family of Voznа-Kukuryk, a Ukrainian family originally from Vyshnivets (south of historical Volyn). Oleksandr graduated from the Kremenets Orthodox Theological Seminary, the theological faculty of the University of Warsaw, Larysa – the Kremenets Gymnasium (most likely a teacher's gymnasium operating under the auspices of the Lyceum, which resumed its work in 1920 (the restoration of Poland over the lands of Volyn). Both were members of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, Alexander died in battle, Larisa suffered from the punitive Soviet system. We are trying to trace/record the change in embroidery techniques, ornaments and clothing itself, even in those intelligent families who respected Ukrainian. The events of the first half of the 20th century: the change in the world order, the discovery of inventions and the deployment of industry smoothly changed the consumer transition from home weaving to the purchase of factory fabrics, from authentic ornaments to factories imposed by fashion, marketing; influence from other countries on decoration, ornaments and embroidery techniques. In the end, we will state that the analyzed costume is an interesting evidence of the era, it is one of the most important historical sources for studying the cultural characteristics of the Ukrainian people. The article attempts to represent the regional and local specifics of the traditional clothing of Ukrainians of the Kremenchchyna region. Using the example of the embroidered clothing of the Kukuryks, the question of the necessity and importance of assessing the value of ethnographic exhibits that end up in museum collections is raised. As a result of the analysis, it is shown that the traditional costume, preserved with the history of the owners, allows us to humanize history, to humanize it. On the other hand, a special dominant of interest in the folk costume of Ukrainians is its practical component, because it is used in modern developments of fashion designers.</p> Liudmyla Breha Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 15 19 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.02 TO THE HISTORY OF THE UKRAINIAN GYMNASIUM IN LUTSK (ACCORDING TO THE MATERIALS OF THE STATE ARCHIVES OF VOLYN REGION) http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/588 <p>This article explores the activities of the Ukrainian Gymnasium in Lutsk—one of the three private secondary schools with Ukrainian as the language of instruction that operated in Volyn during the period when the region was part of the Second Polish Republic (1918–1939). Documents preserved in the State Archive of the Volyn Region (funds 73: «Lutsk Private Ukrainian Gymnasium of the Lesia Ukrainka Society» and 190: «Lutsk Society named after Lesia Ukrainka») reveal little-known aspects of the institution's history and attest to its role as a significant center of cultural and educational life for the Ukrainian population of the region. Among the most interesting archival materials are teacher and student lists from different years, event diaries from the 1920s–1930s, minutes of parent committee and pedagogical council meetings, gymnasium curricula, administrative and financial records, reports from Polish school inspectors on inspections of the gymnasium, correspondence with Polish educational institutions, student certificates, statutes of school clubs and self-governing institutions, as well as memoirs of former students. The study clarifies the national and social composition of the gymnasium’s student body. It demonstrates that the high level of education and upbringing was ensured by a faculty composed of highly qualified teachers. At different times, the institution employed such talented educators as I. Vlasovskyi, M. Levytskyi, V. Fedorenko, R. Shkliar, B. Biletskyi, S. Dybenko, R. Zhehalovych, and others. The Lutsk Ukrainian Gymnasium was a humanities-oriented educational institution. The curriculum included subjects such as Orthodox religion, Latin, German, and French languages, geography, history, physics, and chemistry, among others. According to school records, the greatest number of instructional hours per week was allocated to Ukrainian and Polish languages. The primary language of instruction at the gymnasium was Ukrainian, except for Polish history and geography, which were taught in Polish. Based on archival materials, the author identifies key factors influencing the educational process. Among the most significant were insufficient funding, the lack of adequate material and technical resources, and constant pressure from the Polish school administration. The study shows that the authorities sought to maintain strict control over the gymnasium’s activities through personnel policies, approval of curricula (with Polish language, geography, and history being mandatory subjects), and annual inspections by Polish educational officials. Particular attention is given to the role of national-patriotic education as an integral part of the gymnasium’s educational process. Annual academic celebrations were held in honor of Taras Shevchenko, and prominent Ukrainian historical and cultural figures were commemorated. Documents also provide insight into the forms of cultural and recreational activities for gymnasium students.</p> Yurij Kramar Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 20 24 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.03 ARCHIVAL MATERIALS ABOUT THE HISTORY OF THE FOUNDATION AND ACTIVITIES OF ST. MICHAEL'S AND ST. BORIS-GLEB CHURCHES IN THE VILLAGE OF ROMANIV IN VOLYN http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/590 <p>Church life is an important, integral part of the history of the Ukrainian people. The Church was not isolated from the influence of external factors and felt their pressure, preserving the moral foundations of Ukrainians, giving them strength and inspiration in overcoming obstacles that came their way. The article emphasizes the importance of the study of this problem, which concerns the history of the foundation and activities of St. Michael's and St. Boris-Gleb churches in the village of Romaniv in Volyn, which since their foundation have become centers of Ukrainian Orthodoxy. This topic has repeatedly attracted the attention of researchers. It has been established that with the actualization of historical and local lore research and problems of regional history of Ukraine, this process has especially intensified. The source base of scientific intelligence was made up of archival materials of the State Archives of Volyn region. A separate group of documents, which are the main source of information for covering the problem of religious life in the XX century, are the memoirs of old-timers, local parishioners, who were witnesses and participants in many events related to the history of these churches. The main goal of the work is to study the St. Michael's and St. Boris-Gleb churches, to describe the history of their foundation and activities, the role of priests – rectors of churches in the life of the village of Romaniv. Accordingly, a number of tasks were solved to achieve the goal. In particular, it was found out which villages and land holdings were assigned to these temples. It is shown how the number and attitude of parishioners to church shrines changed. It was established that the established schools at the churches were the foundation of education and spirituality, the only center for rural children to gain knowledge. It is noted that the spiritual life in the village of Romaniv, Piddubetsk parish, Lutsk district, was also engaged in the branch of the Lutsk district “Prosvita”. As a result, it was proved that there were always clergymen next to the parishioners who taught and spiritually supported them.</p> Valentina Petrovich Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 25 29 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.04 SOCIO-POLITICAL CONDITIONS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE POSTWAR INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE UKRSSR (1946–1965) DURING THE KHRUSHCHEV “THAW” (MID-1950S – MID-1960S) http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/591 <p>The article attempts to examine the peculiarities of the scientific environment in which Soviet historical science developed in the second postwar, Khrushchev “Thaw”, decade. The period’s main feature was the fact that historical scholarship was forced to comment on and support the policies of the Soviet government. To that end, it was possible to rely on party-state decisions and official statistics that were supposed to confirm the correctness and success of the relevant course. It goes without saying that the data for such confirmations and justifications were selected in a biased manner, showing only positive changes and progressive indicators, bypassing and hiding indicators that differed from the official “world picture” of Soviet reality in closed special funds. The author emphasizes that the study of post-war Soviet history in general and the history of industrial reconstruction in particular was politicized and opportunistic due to an ideological order from the party-state leadership, narrow database, and weak human capacity since the study of modern history did not require special knowledge, language proficiency, or specific methodological tools that were necessary to deal with ancient history and history of foreign countries. The Thaw, despite its short duration, created favorable conditions for historians. However, the continuing dependence of historical science on the Soviet doctrine of social development still did not allow scholars to go beyond the party doctrine. The professional corps of historians working on history of Soviet society and party history was hardly capable of generating fundamentally different approaches from those established by the Soviet authorities, not only because of ideological dictates from above but also because of their methodological training, worldview, party affiliation, and information environment. At the same time, during the historiographical period under study, the groundwork for of the organizational “framework” of historical science was laid, which allowed for a broad front to conduct research on modern national history, and industrial development became one of the key and dominant topics. The “framework” was formed by the relevant structural units in the USSR Academy of Sciences and the UkrSSR Academy of Sciences, the departments of history of Soviet society and history of the CPSU in leading universities, and conferences on topical issues of “communist construction” and the development of industry and workforce held at the country’s top scientific and educational institutions. The author concludes that the historiographical database on the industrial development of the Ukrainian SSR was significantly expanded during the relevant period. In the array of scientific and popular science products, the authors considered a certain set of sources and came to conclusions about the steady and progressive development of the Soviet economy and industry, in particular in the socialism-communism paradigm. It is essential to emphasize that historiographical sources of the Soviet period should be selected thoroughly and ambiguously. On the one hand, it is obvious that much of the scientific and even more so the popular science and propaganda literature was created according to ready-made “standards” and “clichés,” reflecting and commenting on the ideological and political assessments of the time. On the other hand, a set of problems, especially the industrial development of the UkrSSR, were studied quite effectively in scientific terms.</p> Yuliia Bondar Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 30 35 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.05 THE IMPACT OF SPECULATION ON THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC LIFE OF LVIV RESIDENTS DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR (JULY 1915 – DECEMBER 1917) http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/593 <p>This article examines the main factors that contributed to the growth of commodity speculation in Lviv during 1915–1917, its main forms, as well as the methods of combating it, which were used by the central and local authorities and the police. First of all, the factors that led to the spread of the phenomenon of speculation in the studied period are analyzed. In particular, the impact on speculation of the mass influx of refugees and immigrants, which caused a sharp increase in the city’s population, was considered. The second reason for the growth of shadow trade is the lack of food supply in Lviv during the war, which led to a shortage of goods. Despite the introduction of a system of price regulation and stock control, food shortages created conditions for shadowy manipulations and illegal trade. Particular attention is paid to the criminal situation and looting, which intensified in the last weeks of the stay of the Russian administration in Lviv. Mass robberies, looting of warehouses and military barracks were noted, which caused an artificial shortage of goods and the growth of the illegal market. The impact of the sanitary–epidemiological situation was mentioned, which not only complicated living conditions, but also affected the logistics of supplying goods and the spread of panic among the population. The article also describes the main forms of speculative activity in the period under study. The most widespread manifestation among them was the increase in prices in retail trade. Differences in the speculative practices of small traders and large resellers were noted: the former were forced to sell products at inflated prices for their own survival, while the latter organized large–scale schemes with artificial shortages. The practice of taking food out of the city was considered. It is emphasized that individual cases of movement of goods were carried out by refugees and military personnel for personal use, however, significant batches of food were illegally exported for resale, which only deepened the commodity deficit in Lviv. In the final part of the article, attention is devoted to the methods of countering speculation, which were used by the Austrian administration and law enforcement agencies. The measures to control shops and markets, the introduction of maximum prices and punishment for violators were analyzed. The effectiveness of these measures was also evaluated. The study allows for a deeper understanding of the socio–economic situation of Lviv during the First World War, revealing the mechanisms of the functioning of speculation and its impact on the everyday life of the city’s residents.</p> Vasyl Bosak Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 36 40 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.06 ABBESS NATALIIA AND HER INFLUENCE ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE KORETS HOLY TRINITY CONVENT http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/595 <p>In modern historical science, there are few studies dedicated to the role of abbesses in the establishment and development of monastic communities. However, the life and activity of any monastery are closely intertwined with the obedience carried out under the guidance of its abbess. These spiritual figures play a crucial role, as, according to ecclesiastical norms and prescriptions, the responsibility for organizing monastic life rests upon the heads of religious institutions. They serve as examples and role models for monastic communities. This article focuses on the study of the activities of Abbess Nataliia, the head of the Korets Holy Trinity Convent, and her personal contribution to the development of the monastic community and the advancement of the convent. Thanks to her organizational abilities and authority, the Korets convent continued to develop rapidly, strengthening its economic potential. During the period of restructuring, the monastery regained its land holdings and orchard. The article examines the abbess’s active efforts in reclaiming monastic premises previously confiscated by the authorities, as well as in preserving and restoring the cultural heritage site. As a result of the restoration and repair work carried out under her leadership, the monastery significantly enhanced and transformed both its interior and exterior. Analysis of the research materials allows us to conclude that the abbess contributed to the development of spiritual and educational programs and church history. A significant event was the establishment and operation of the choirdirecting and catechetical school, which played an essential role in promoting Orthodoxy and spiritual culture both in the region and beyond. The study is based on documents from the State Archive of Rivne Oblast, which contain information on the activities of the convent. These archival records not only supplement existing historical facts but also shed light on new aspects of the monastery’s life. A connection is established between internal changes within the monastic community and contemporary socio-political events. The research also reveals that Abbess Nataliia maintained close relations with archbishops, patriarchs, priests, and the heads of other monastic institutions. She was open to communication with the outside world and the faithful. She actively participated in church councils and religious forums. The abbess convincingly demonstrated that the Korets sanctuary exerted a profound spiritual influence on the local population and far beyond its borders.</p> Viktoriia Hordiichuk Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 41 46 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.07 MAIN VECTORS OF INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITY OF UKRAINIAN TRADE UNIONS WITHIN MARTIAL LAW http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/598 <p>The article considers the main vectors of international activity of Ukrainian trade union organizations within martial law. It highlights key events and measures that determined the emergence of new directions, forms and mechanisms of cooperation between Ukrainian trade unions and international partners. It analyzes the significance of Ukrainian trade union associations’ membership in the European Trade Union Confederation, cooperation with the International Labor Organization and other international institutions. Special attention is paid to the participation of Ukrainian trade unions in international congresses, meetings with representatives of the United Nations, and missions of European social partners, which were dedicated to political and economic support for Ukraine, promotion of the protection of socio-economic and labor rights of workers, provision of humanitarian assistance, restructuring of domestic legislation in accordance with European standards. The article emphasizes that due to international solidarity, Ukrainian trade unions have been able to completely fulfill their statutory obligations, restore the institutional capabilities of member organizations, and withstand the challenges of the war. The article reveals that martial law in Ukraine has significantly changed the nature and directions of the international activities of Ukrainian trade unions, directing them to strengthening cooperation with international organizations and trade unions, mobilizing global support for Ukrainian people, and searching for new opportunities for interaction with partners, in particular, by the help of digital technologies. It is proved that despite all the difficulties of wartime, Ukrainian trade unions opened up new opportunities for strengthening their positions in the European and international trade union movement. It is claimed that the indicated vectors of international activity of domestic trade unions have become an efficient tool for consolidating the efforts of Ukrainian society and the world community to overcome the socio-economic consequences of the war and provide conditions for the post-war recovery of the country.</p> Hanna Dobrovolska Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 47 51 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.08 THE PROBLEM OF STAFFING LAND MANAGEMENT WORKS AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURY (ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE KYIV BRANCH OF THE PEASANT LAND BANK) http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/600 <p>The article analyzes the process of creating land surveying organizations for general and special surveying in the Russian Empire. Based on already published research, the structure of institutions that were engaged in surveying, the features of the work of land surveyors in Ukrainian provinces, and the main tasks assigned to boundary offices and drawing rooms are determined. The emergence and formation of educational institutions that trained specialists for conducting land surveying and drawing up plans of surveyed and demarcated lands is characterized. It is noted that the tsarist government was little concerned with the creation of such educational institutions: only at the beginning of the 19th century. a school of land surveyors was opened in Ukraine at the Volyn gymnasium, and only from the second half of the 19th century. at agricultural and agricultural schools, which were beginning to open at this time, teaching of special disciplines, in particular geodesy, was introduced. It is emphasized that in higher educational institutions, which had agricultural departments, specialists in the field of land management were not trained. It is noted that the revolutionary situation at the beginning of the 20th century led to an increase in the land fund of the Peasant Bank. Which was created for the sale of landowners’ lands. In this regard, attention is focused on the fact that due to the lack of specialists in land management, the bank’s management suggested to the director of the KPI to create a special artel from students who had already completed courses in special disciplines for further work on the delimitation of bank lands. It is emphasized that the provincial authorities, having conducted a preliminary check of the students, refused to form such an artel on the pretext that these students were "politically unreliable". It is noted that with the beginning of the Stolypin agrarian reform, the situation with the provision of specialists for land management commissions, which in the future were to bear the main burden of land management work, was never resolved.</p> Lyudmila Ignatova Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 52 56 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.09 GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MONETARY CIRCULATION IN THE SIVERSHCHYNA REGION IN THE 17TH – 18TH CENTURIES http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/601 <p>The article attempts to analyze the monetary circulation of the Sivershchyna region in the 17th–18th centuries through the treasury and written sources. Money is the basis of the monetary circulation, acting as a measure of value, which allows evaluating goods. At the same time, they serve as a chronicle of the country, a symbol of its history and a carrier of the objective information about the past, becoming an important source for the scientific research. Coins reflect the material commodity-monetary relations of the certain period. Monetary circulation covers the cash flow in the sphere of the circulation and its function as a means of exchange and payment. At the current stage of the development of the Ukrainian historical science, in particular in the field of the numismatics and regional studies, the study of the commodity-monetary relations in the certain regions requires the more detailed and systematic study. Analysis of the history of the commodity-monetary relations in the Hetmanate, in particular in the Sivershchyna region, is of great importance for understanding the economic situation of Ukraine and its regions, both in the past and in the context of the modern processes of the integration of the independent Ukraine into the united European economic and financial space. The study of the monetary circulation of the Sivershchyna region is based on the following: 1) analysis of the works of researchers in numismatics: O. Bakalets’, V. Byelashov, V. Boyko, L. Hvozdyk-Pritsak, D. Kazimirov, A. Klyuyev, M. Kotlyar, S. Lepyavka, I. Spas’ky and others; 2) study of treasure complexes found on the territory of the Chernihiv-Sivershchyna region (Chernihiv, Sumy regions); 3) study of the diary of the main standard-bearer Mykola Khanenko and the diary of the general sub-treasurer Yakiv Markovych, museum and archival funds; 4) study of the regional aspects of the Sivershchyna region. Numismatic researchers created a classification of coins, which allowed them to systematize the finds and track the changes in the monetary circulation over time. Analysing the coins found in the Sivershchyna region made it possible to determine the countries and regions to maintain the economic ties with during the period under study. The study of treasure complexes gave us an idea of which coins were in real circulation among the population, reflecting the actual composition of the money supply. In addition, treasure complexes told us about the social status of their owners: large treasures indicate wealth, and small ones are for everyday savings. Analysis of the treasure complexes helped us to identify the periods of the economic instability, when people hid their savings. Analysis of the treasure complexes made it possible to obtain the information about the trade routes: the places where treasures were found indicate the location of the important trade routes, and the presence of coins of different countries in the treasure confirms the active participation of the Sivershchyna region of that time in the international trade. The analysis of the diaries provided us with the information on the monetary units, as they contain references to various monetary units used in the Sivershchyna region at that time (roubles, kopecks, zlotys, thalers, orts, florins, yefymkas), which allowed us to recreate the picture of the monetary circulation and determine which currencies were in circulation. In addition, the diaries provided us with the information on the prices of various goods and services, which allowed us to assess the level of inflation and the cost of living at that time. The diaries also contain records of various financial transactions (loans, payments, expenses), which allowed us to study the practice of conducting the financial affairs and determine what financial instruments were used. The study of the regional aspects of the Sivershchyna region made it possible to determine the influence of the certain territories on the taxation system and monetary circulation of the Sivershchyna region, to find out what taxes were imposed, and how that affected the economic life of the population.</p> Andriy Кlyuyev Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 57 63 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.10 «CRIME AND PUNISHMENT»: THE SYSTEM OF CHURCH JUSTICE IN THE LATE PROTESTANT COMMUNITIES OF KHERSON REGION AND KYIV REGION IN THE MIDDLE OF THE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURIES http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/604 <p>The article analyses the inner life of the late Protestant communities of Kherson and Kyiv provinces in the mid-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It is established that the study of the ecclesiastical proceedings of the communities allows us to look at the system of relations between its representatives, ways of seeking dialogue and consensus in the process of resolving conflict situations, and methods of punishment for offences. It is determined that coercion to comply with religious norms and rules is a necessity for the functioning and activity of any religious organisation. It is found that the system of influence on the offender in the late Protestant communities was not carried out in a by force, but exclusively through verbal methods: spiritual guidance, moral reprimands and religious prohibitions. It is determined that constant religious persecution and harassment prompted late Protestants to resolve conflicts among themselves within the community. It is proved that in such cases, recourse to state judicial institutions, which often arrested community members for their religious beliefs, was a disgrace and a huge image loss. It is established that this is the reason why late Protestant communities tried to mirror the state judicial system in their own environment. It is found that the main reasons for punishing offenders were disobedience to community decisions, deviation from the dogma of doctrine, failure to comply with the Bible's commandments and recurrence of violations. It is shown that the system of punishment consisted of several stages that corresponded to the texts of the Holy Scriptures: persuasion in private, persuasion in a limited circle of witnesses, bringing the problem to a general meeting of the community, which resolved the issue by voting. It is proved that the offender had the right to perform an act of repentance until the last moment and be pardoned and forgiven. It is determined that the method of punishment for the offender was excommunication with a ban on attending meetings and participating in the Holy Communion. It is established that return to the community was to be accompanied by repentance, probation and voting of the community members. Thus, the author analyses the system of relations in Protestant communities through the prism of their judicial proceedings.</p> Bohdan Kravchuk Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 64 68 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.11 ICHNIA REGION DURING THE RUSSIAN INVASION (FEBRUARY-MARCH 2022) FOLLOWING THE NEWSPAPER “TRUDOVA SLAVA” http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/606 <p>The article is devoted to people’s memories of the beginning of the full-scale invasion and occupation of the Ichnia region in February-March 2022. It is a kind of living illustration of what they experienced, how they perceived this terrible news, how their attitude to seemingly ordinary things, food, water, light, heat, and peace changed. The purpose of the study is an attempt to restore and perpetuate the historical memory of those times that will forever remain in our memories. The main source for the article was the materials of the district newspaper Trudova Slava, whose employees, fresh from the events, collected important memories of the residents of the Ichniansk community and recorded the main problems that arose at the beginning of the full-scale invasion, the mood of the people, their experiences and their desire to survive at any cost, to withstand the terrible aggression of the Russian horde. Throughout the 2020s, the former district newspaper remained an important information resource for residents of the local community (as well as the neighbouring Parafiyivska territorial community, which was part of the Ichnianskyi district before the reform). The materials of the publications allow us to say that the population mostly did not believe that a catastrophe would begin for everyone, although such rumours were spread. The first days of the war and the occupation were a serious social shock for people, especially children, affecting their emotional state, everyday life, collective opinion, interpersonal relations, and socio-economic situation. This publication is important for understanding what happened on 25 February 2022, when the southern part of Chernihiv region became a zone of hostilities and the Russian offensive against Kyiv. Residents of the villages of Bilmachivka, Svarychivka, Vyshnivka, Pryputniv, Dorohynky recall the panic that initially gripped them, as they did not know what to do, where to run and where to hide. And most importantly, they felt fear for the lives of their children, parents and relatives. An important place among the newspaper articles is occupied by information about volunteering in the first days of the occupation. Women and children gathered wherever they could, cooked food, baked bread, made wax candles, sent canned food to Chernihiv, checkpoints, and wove camouflage nets.</p> Oleksandr Kryvobok Oksana Krupenko Yevheniia Strashko Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 69 73 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.12 PHYSICAL CULTURAL AND SPORTS WORK IN SCHOOLS OF THE USSR OF THE SECOND HALF OF THE 1940S-1980S http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/609 <p>The article describes physical education and sports work in schools of the Ukrainian SSR in the second half of the 1940s – 1980s. It is proven that it was an important component of the educational process. It was designed to form a conscious attitude to one’s own health, to physical education classes, to a responsible attitude towards others. Pupils and teachers at school were engaged in morning exercises, lessons, extracurricular planned and unscheduled activities: competitions, tournaments, contests. The work emphasizes that in the process of involvement in this activity, рupils not only fulfilled the program requirements of the subject, expanding and deepening their knowledge and skills, but also were participants in the mass movement of physical education and sports work in the Ukrainian SSR and the USSR. They represented their own schools in competitions of various scales: local, district, regional, republican, all-Union and international. One of the main figures was the teacher, who taught, developed, corrected, demonstrated. He had a certain professional training: secondary specialized, higher education; worked at his main place of work and was a part-time worker. The primary school needed the most physical education teachers. This was due to the specifics of working with this age category. The need to teach physical education was emphasized not by primary school teachers, who were also their class teachers, but by physical education teachers who had the appropriate training. The teachers were devoted to their work. As a rule, they got into schools through the personnel distribution system that existed in the USSR. The schools had different potential: material and technical, personnel. Often, teachers improved it with their own efforts: they painted, whitewashed, repaired, created. On such a positive example, the next generation of young athletes and teachers was raised. The article also points out the shortcomings of physical education and sports work, which were caused by the lack of sports equipment, gyms, and playgrounds for classes, shifting responsibility for this to teachers, school administration, and local authorities. The personnel issue also needed to be resolved. In general, schoolchildren were happy to join this activity: it was active and diverse. The protest state implemented its own narratives about their role in present and future life through the younger generation. By involving schoolchildren, it exercised control over their leisure time, the formation and development of consciousness, and the management of their actions.</p> Olga Lavrut Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 74 79 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.13 THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION’S WAR AGAINST UKRAINE. A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/613 <p>The article reveals the peculiarities of historiography, the object of which is the modern war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, which began in 2014 but has not yet ended. Over more than ten years, a large number of various scientific, journalistic and archeographic publications have accumulated. In this way, a historical narrative is formed, reflecting different concepts and visions of representatives of the Ukrainian and foreign community of scientists. The article contains information on institutional steps aimed at creating the prerequisites for the formation of creative teams that study military issues, and analyzes publications prepared by Ukrainian and foreign researchers. Among them are employees of the National Defense University of Ukraine, who systematically accumulate empirical materials and inform society about the course of military operations at the front and the heroic struggle of the Armed Forces of Ukraine against the enemy. The approaches of Ukrainian historians to the study of the anti-Ukrainian colonial policy of Russian imperialism and Moscow’s hybrid actions directed against Ukraine are revealed, and the historical continuity of the armed confrontation between Russia and Ukraine, the beginnings of which date back to the 12th century, is traced. A political scientific cross-section of Ukrainian-Russian antagonisms is considered in several collective works published by the I. F. Kuras Institute of Political and Ethno-National Studies of the NAS of Ukraine. An interesting series of publications by the Institute of History of Ukraine of the NAS of Ukraine, which highlight topical issues of Ukrainian history and modernity in the context of the Ukrainian-Russian confrontation and events related to the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2014–2025, is interesting. It is noted that many publications on the subject of the Russian-Ukrainian war have been published in different countries of the world. Many analytical publications offer an interesting comparative platform for the military-political characterization of modern Russia and Ukraine, analyze the evolution of the Russian imperial idea, provide a description of the ideological foundations of modern Russian domestic and foreign policy doctrines, which are based on Russian chauvinism, xenophobia, the positioning of "enemies" and an expansionist course towards neighboring states, which Moscow considers its own sphere of influence, and focus on its imperial allusions. The interdisciplinary nature of scientific studies provides a stereoscopic view of the current war as a synthetic, multidimensional phenomenon and its consequences.</p> Oleksandr Lysenko Ihor Pylypiv Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 80 87 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.14 IMPLEMENTATION OF THE POLICY OF THE RUSSIAN-BOLSHOWIST COLONIAL GOVERNMENT REGARDING NATIONAL MINORITIES IN THE YEARS OF NEP (1921–1928) (BASED ON THE MATERIALS OF THE PODILLIA) http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/616 <p>The article comprehensively analyzes the activities of the party and Soviet bodies of the Podilsk province in the implementation of the policy of the Russian-Bolshevik colonial power towards national minorities during the NEP period. It was found out that provincial, district, and after the holding in 1923 were created to work with national minorities in the region. zoning, district and district Jewish and Polish subdivisions in the relevant committees of the Communist Party of Ukraine and councils, and in the departments of public education – a similar section. It was noted that with the beginning of Ukrainization, a provincial commission for nationalities was created to coordinate work with national minorities, including representatives from the Jewish, Polish, and Moldovan communities. She recommended that district committees appoint a member of the presidium who speaks the native language of a certain national minority. It has been investigated that in order to reduce the demographic overpopulation of the region and reduce the tension of inter-ethnic relations, starting from 1923, a national program of resettlement, mainly of Jews, to the free lands of southern Ukraine and Crimea was implemented in Podilly. It was found out that in 1924–1928, in order to better take into account the specifics of work in towns and villages where the majority or a significant part of the residents were ethnic minorities. Jewish Polish, Russian and German councils were established. It was emphasized that business in the national rural councils was mostly conducted in Ukrainian, since there were not enough active speakers of German, Polish, or Yiddish. Therefore, on the initiative of these councils, schools and technical schools were opened with teaching in the relevant national languages. It was emphasized that the authorities considered the provision of access to representatives of national minorities to participate in court sessions in their native language a major achievement. However, all these achievements were only a screen for establishing the colonial status of Ukraine as part of the Russian- Bolshevik empire. That is why already in the 1930s they were liquidated, and active participants in the development of the structures of national minorities were repressed.</p> Mykola Olіуnyk Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 88 92 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.15 THE RURAL POPULATION OF ODESA REGION AND ITS ROLE IN THE RECONSTRUCTION OF AGRICULTURE IN SOUTHWESTERN UKRAINE IN 1944 http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/618 <p>This article analyzes the state of agriculture in southwestern Ukraine after the liberation of this territory from German- Romanian occupiers in 1944. It highlights the well-known fact that as a result of World War II and the occupation of Ukrainian territories, the country's economic potential suffered enormous material losses. The war swept through Ukraine twice-first when the Wehrmacht advanced, pursuing the Soviet army, and a second time when German forces found themselves in the opposite situation, retreating under Soviet pressure. Upon de-occupying the southwestern regions of Ukraine, the Soviet leadership immediately reinstated the pre-war methods of exploiting agricultural workers, specifically the collective and state farm system of feudal exploitation of the rural population, along with the infamous “trudoden” (it is worth noting that the Romanian occupation administration also employed this form of labor exploitation). The restoration of agriculture, as the primary producer of food supplies, fell on the shoulders of ordinary rural residents, who, after the liberation of these territories, carried out the most arduous agricultural work. Women played a crucial role in rebuilding the agricultural sector. Notably, archival documents contain no mention of whether all the fields, where rural laborers performed their backbreaking work, had been checked for landmines-both anti-tank and anti-personnel. This raises the alarming question of whether military sappers conducted demining operations at all. If not, then it was not just collective farm managers but also the highest ranks of the Soviet party leadership that deliberately exposed ordinary citizens to mortal danger-once again confirming the cynicism of Stalin’s totalitarian system. Nevertheless, despite the inhumane policies of Stalin’s regime toward its own citizens, from the very first days after the liberation of Ukrainian lands from occupation, it was the rural population of Odesa region-and Ukraine as a wholethat became the key driving force in restoring the agricultural potential of the region.</p> Oleksandr Osypenko Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 93 99 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.16 DISSIDENT LEONID PLYUSHCH IN THE FIGHT AGAINST THE SOVIET REGIME http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/620 <p>The aim of the article is to cover comprehensively the life path of dissident Leonid Plyushch, in particular his struggle against the Soviet repressive system, his period of imprisonment in a psychiatric hospital, and subsequent emigration to France. The article contributes to the understanding of the historical processes of the struggle for human rights in the USSR and the significance of L. Plyushch's contribution to the Ukrainian dissident movement. The methodological basis of the article was the principles of objectivity, historicism, comprehensiveness, continuity, as well as a complex of general scientific and special historical methods. The work used methods of analysis and synthesis, problem-chronological, retrospective, method of comparison of information from various sources. The basis of the source base is the memoirs and works of L. Plyushch himself, materials from the diaspora and foreign press, as well as reports of the State Security Committee (KGB) to the top party leadership of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (Ukrainian SSR) from the Sectoral State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine (SSA SSU). The authors conclude that L. Plyushch joined the dissident movement in the mid-1960s, advocating for the democratization of the Soviet system. At the turn of the 1960s and 1970s, he joined the circle of Moscow human rights activists and became one of the main communicators between Russian dissidents and representatives of the Ukrainian national movement. Leonid Plyushch's public activism was the key reason for his arrest during the implementation of the "Bloc" case by KGB officers in 1972 and subsequent confinement to a special psychiatric hospital. Having gone through repression, forced psychiatric confinement, and persecution, he did not break down, but, on the contrary, continued his struggle for human rights while abroad. Due to international outcry, the dissident was released from prison in January 1976; he emigrated to France. Once in the West, the former political prisoner actively collaborated with human rights organizations, the Ukrainian diaspora, and democratic forces, exposing the crimes of the Soviet regime. His activities contributed to increasing international pressure on the USSR and strengthening the resistance movement both among Ukrainians abroad and within the country.</p> Bohdan Paska Lilia Basista Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 100 106 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.17 MODERN STRATEGIES FOR ENSURING DEFENSE CAPABILITIES OF СENTRAL AND ЕASTERN ЕUROPEAN COUNTRIES IN LIGHT OF INTERNATIONAL COMMITMENTS http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/621 <p>The article examines modern strategies for ensuring the defense capabilities of Central and Eastern European countries in the context of fulfilling international obligations. It is found that the integration of international standards of NATO and the EU contributes to increasing the defense capabilities of the region, but is accompanied by a number of problems, including limited resources, technological backwardness and conflicts between collective obligations and national interests. The aim of the work is to identify key problems in adapting international obligations to national needs and develop recommendations for optimizing defense strategies taking into account modern threats. The study uses comparative analysis methods to identify the effectiveness of existing approaches in different countries of the region, analytically summarize the experience of NATO member states and partner countries, such as Ukraine, as well as modeling potential ways to improve defense policy. As a result, it was found that the countries of Central and Eastern Europe are achieving significant success in modernizing their armed forces, strengthening cyber defense and developing regional cooperation. At the same time, problems related to insufficient coordination of efforts between the states of the region, limited funding and technological barriers were identified. Ukraine’s experience in deterring aggression became a catalyst for reforms in the security sector and a source of innovations that can be adapted by other countries. It is concluded that the resilience of defense systems requires the integration of technologies, increased regional cooperation and support for the defense industry. Further research focuses on the impact of international assistance, the role of artificial intelligence in military strategies and innovative approaches to cybersecurity.</p> Tetyana Plazova Vadym Bespeka Mykola Golyk Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 107 112 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.18 THE TOMAR FAMILY IN KOVRAI: ORIGINS AND LEGACY http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/624 <p>The article explores the history of the Tomar family, particularly its Kovrai branch, which played a significant role in the development of the village of Kovrai in Zolotonosha district of Cherkasy region. The research is based on the documents from the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine and the collections of H.S. Skovoroda Literature Museum. Having nalyzed all available sources, the author discovered that no comprehensive study of this family had existed previously, with only certain aspects of its history having been the subject of researchers’ attention. The groundwork of the theoretical and methodological basis of the study is a set of general scientific and purely historical methods. The generally accepted principles of objectivity, scientificity, logical-systematic and comparative analysis, problem-chronological approach, as well as methods of synthesis, generalization, processing of oral-historical sources are applied. The Tomars had Greek roots and were known in Epirus and Macedonia. In the 17th century, some family members emigrated to Ukraine due to the Turkish conquest of Greece. The founder of the Ukrainian branch of the family was Ivan Tomorka, who settled in Pereiaslav and became an active participant in the Cossack movement. Over the centuries, the Tomar family integrated into the Cossack elite and became part of the “nobility of Little Russia”. The Tomaras sought to secure successful careers for their sons in administrative structures and military service. The most prominent member of the family in the Russian Empire was Vasyl Tomara, a student of Hryhorii Skovoroda. The research highlights the economic and social influence of the Tomar family on the development of Kovrai. Its members owned significant landholdings and manors, actively engaged in agriculture, church construction, and other socially important projects. Among their achievements was the founding of the Trinity Church in the village, which became an important cultural and spiritual center. The article concludes that the Tomar family made a substantial contribution to the development of the local community. It also reflects on the complex relationships between local residents and family representatives, shaped by the socioeconomic changes of the time.</p> Yuliia Rudenko Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 113 118 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.19 THE FORMATION OF THE PERSONALITY OF THE UKRAINIAN ARTIST AND DISSIDENT OPANAS ZALYVAKHA http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/625 <p>The purpose of the article is a comprehensive study of the features of the formation of the worldview and personality of Opanas Zalyvakha during the first forty years of his life. The methodological basis of the article was the principles of objectivity, historicism, comprehensiveness, continuity, as well as a complex of general scientific and special historical methods. The work used methods of analysis and synthesis, problem-chronological, retrospective, method of comparison of information from various sources. The basis of the source base is the memoirs of O. Zalyvakha himself, his relatives and acquaintances, the works of other dissidents – Vyacheslav Chornovil and Bohdan Horyn, as well as materials from the Sectoral State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine (SSA SSU). The work traces the key milestones of O. Zalyvakha's life path during his childhood, adolescence, and young adulthood, which had a significant impact on the formation of his worldview and the emergence of the artist as a personality with a clearly expressed Ukrainian national consciousness. The author concludes that during his childhood and youth, O. Zalyvakha was under threat of being deprived of his national identity. Stalin's repressions and the Holodomor of 1932–1933, which were aimed at destroying conscious Ukrainianness, resulted in the lack of dissident`s access to Ukrainian cultural heritage for a long period. Nevertheless, even in the conditions of resettlement to the Far East of the Russian Federation, the artist managed to preserve both his ancestral memory and national consciousness. During the Soviet period, a dissident did not have the full opportunity to develop as an artist. The totalitarian system in the USSR hindered the process of O. Zalyvakha's obtaining a quality art education, not only complicating his life circumstances, but also imposing on the artist his own limited ideas about art. Significant obstacles were also created during the artist's professional career in the late 1950s and early 1960s, as the Soviet authorities, through bans on exhibitions, made the artist's artistic heritage inaccessible to the public. In general, O. Zalyvakha, despite his creativity outside the framework imposed by the totalitarian regime in the USSR, could only gain recognition among a narrow circle of people who also held nonconformist views.</p> Andrii Tsupuha Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 119 125 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.20 BALKAN REGION: FROM THE EASTERN CRISIS TO THE DECISIONS OF THE BERLIN CONGRESS OF 1878 http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/585 <p>The article examines the foreign policy plans and activities of the major European powers in the Balkans in the 1870s of the 19th century, which were aimed at ensuring their own Balkan-Middle Eastern policy, and therefore caused the resolution of international crises in the region in the 1880s of the 19th century. It is established that in the system of international relations of the 1870s–1880s of the 19th century, the Balkan region occupied one of the central places, where the interests of the major European powers, which claimed exclusive influence in it, clashed. The Eastern Question came to the forefront of world politics - a complex of unresolved acute problems, the components of which were the national liberation movement of the Balkan, primarily Slavic, peoples, the crisis of the military-feudal Ottoman Empire, the global rivalry of the great powers for influence in South-Eastern Europe, their desire to seize the Black Sea straits and establish themselves in the Eastern Mediterranean. It is traced that not the least role in the policy of the great European powers was also played by the desire to establish their own control over the significant possessions of the Turkish Sultan in this part of Europe. It is analyzed that in the 1870s of the 19th century. new trends in the development of the Eastern Question emerged, caused by many cardinal changes in the international arena. The flames of the uprisings of 1875–1876. in Herzegovina, Bosnia, Bulgaria, Serbia and Montenegro and the fire of the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 destroyed the “Crimean System”. The central place in the struggle of the great powers for influence in the Balkans, in the fate of the peoples of South-Eastern Europe belonged to the Eastern Crisis of 1875–1878. It is proved that its main defining feature was the liberation of the Balkan Slavs through their armed struggle and as a result of the defeat in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 of the Ottoman Empire. It is worth noting that in the period under study, none of the Balkan peoples had yet completed the process of consolidation and the construction of national states. The Balkan peoples strongly advocated a revision of borders, and this demand soon became the main component of the foreign policy of the great powers of Europe.</p> Stepan Borchuk Yevhen Lyzen Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 126 132 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.21 MANIFESTATION OF RACISM IN THE ANTI-GERMAN CAMPAIGN OF THE TSARIST EMPIRE DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR, 1914–1917 http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/586 <p>The article studies the chauvinistic policy of tsarism during the First World War in relation to its own population of foreign origin, in particular ethnic Germans. This issue is investigated through the prism of the analysis of the socio- political situation that contributed to the formation of Germanophobic attitudes. In view of the defeats of the Russian army, a spiritual crisis arose in society, under which Russian nationalism intensified. July 16, 1914 "Regulations on the Field Management of Troops in Wartime" was approved. The western frontier borders of the country were populated mainly by the non-Russian population. In the mentioned territory, the power belonged to the higher military administration.The question of the status of the German population of Russia was put on the agenda as early as July 19, 1914. At that time, the gradation of the population into prisoners of war and non-prisoners of war was also introduced, which determined the degree of control for each group. Persons who had German citizenship were automatically declared prisoners of war.Mass arrests began, which were explained to protect the country from the actions of a possible "fifth column", as Germany and Austria mobilized their foreign subjects.Most of the western and southern provinces on July 20, 1914. came under the influence of martial law and state of siege. The power of military structures was expanded, in particular, in matters of internal management. Royal Decree of July 28, 1914 "About the rules by which Russia will be governed during the war of 1914." eliminated benefits granted to subjects of enemy states by international treaties based on the principle of general reciprocity. Based on the "Regulations about the areas declared under martial law in 1892", church service in German was prohibited in the front-line areas in the first months of the war due to fears of pro-German agitation by priests. A ban was introduced on its public use in everyday life, economic activity, education, toponymy, and religious life. The objects of the anti-German campaign became the attributes of German culture as a whole (language, customs and traditions, school, history, origin, property, primarily land). If the language restrictions of 1914–1915 related to a number of specific situations and certain territories, then in 1916 the situation has fundamentally changed. The language issue was summarized by Nicholas II, who approved on August 18, 1916. "Regulations of the Council of Ministers regarding the prohibition of teaching in German". Unlimited control of the military and gendarmerie-police authorities over the civilian population became legal. Moreover, according to Russian wartime laws, the actual population was equated to "enemy" if the army was operating in territories where martial law had been declared. A close connection between the punitive and repressive apparatus of the autocracy and the successful activity of nationalist propaganda was revealed.It has been proven that the anti-German campaign in the autocratic empire was a sign of the times in the general history of the First World War. However, in contrast to Western countries, the Russian version of the anti-German campaign had a much more radical, chauvinistic character.</p> Oleksandr Kadol Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 133 138 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.22 CULTURAL MARKERS OF NATIONAL IDENTITY (AN ATTEMPT AT COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF EXPERIENCE / ON THE EXAMPLE OF UKRAINE AND JAPAN) http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/589 <p>The starting point of the study is the statement that the markers of national identity are national consciousness, territory, history, and religion. Analysing various cultural markers, we cannot ignore the issue of language. In both the case of Japan and Ukraine, language has proved to be a factor in the construction of ethnic borders. This article describes the cultural markers of identity based on a thorough analysis of the content of identity and the factors that influence it. The starting point is the multifaceted nature of the phenomenon of national identity, which combines social, political, economic and cultural features. The article reveals the influence of culture on the formation of national identity on the example of the Ukrainian and Japanese nations. It is indicated that the study of this problem is in line with the development of interdisciplinary and comparative studies in the modern humanities.The peculiarities of academic discourse, theoretical and terminological aspects of national identity formation are presented. It is established that Japan has historically developed a twofold identity: on the one hand, an institutional or external identity based on Western models, and on the other hand, an internal, Far Eastern identity based on spiritual and moral values. Japanese culture and tradition define the way Japanese society functions and is a combination of traditional conservative principles (rooted in Buddhism, Shintoism and feudal society) and strong principles of modernity, democracy and consumerism. In Ukraine, despite its location on the frontier of Western and Eastern civilisation, the national identity of Ukrainians is oriented towards Western Christian values and their defence. It is the historical factors that shaped national identity and its cultural markers that underpin modern Ukrainian and Japanese societies.</p> Oksana Kalishchuk Dariia Husak Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 139 144 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.23 IBERIAN COLONIALISM IN THE AMERICAS AND ITS CIVILIZATIONAL IMPLICATIONS http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/592 <p>This article explores the civilizational consequences of the early period of European colonialism in the Americas.The introduction of colonial discourse into the study of Ukrainian history necessitates comparisons with “classic” examples of European colonialism, particularly the vast and impactful colonization of North, Central, and South America that began in the 15th and 16th centuries. The direct relationship between the usually pragmatic colonial policies in this region and their civilizational implications has not been adequately explored in existing scholarly research. The aim of this article is to examine the theoretical and methodological foundations for studying the interactions between civilizations, as well as the content and consequences of colonial policies implemented by Iberian states in the zone of Indian civilizations in the Americas during the 16th to 18th centuries. The research is grounded in the author’s civilizational analysis methodology, which draws on the system and communication theory of society. One of the key points highlighted is the uniqueness of this type of colonization: the peoples of one formed civilization colonized territories inhabited by the peoples of others. However, it was found that different stages of civilizational development unfolded in this context.While the Iberian states were part of medieval Christian civilization, the Aztecs, Mayans, and Incas belonged to pre-axial civilizations that had not developed religious or philosophical systems akin to those of the axial era. Additionally, the study finds that both Spain and Portugal, following their long periods of Reconquista, shared certain structural similarities with the pre-Columbian civilizations of the Americas. Both operated within patrimonial state systems and employed corporate (or communal) organizational models, bringing them closer in character to Eastern civilizations. The article outlines the various phases of colonization: the conquests and plundering of valuables, the extraction and exploitation of gold and silver, and the systemic exploitation of Americas’ resources. It is noted that, as a result of colonization, the Iberian patrimonial state supplanted the destroyed Indian one, merging with the indigenous village communities. Catholicism, in turn, took on an outwardly Indian stylistic form. A new, hybrid Latin American civilization emerged. In areas outside of the core territories of these civilizations, where the indigenous populations were fewer, a resettlement-based form of colonization became dominant.</p> Vitaliy Kosmyna Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 145 153 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.24 SOCIO-POLITICAL DISCOURSE ON TURKEY'S EUROPEAN INTEGRATION: CHALLENGES, PROSPECTS AND NATIONAL INTERESTS http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/594 <p>The article analyzes the socio-political discourse around the process of Turkey's European integration, identifies the key challenges, prospects and national interests that influence the formation of the country's foreign policy strategy in relations with the European Union. It is pointed out that the Turkish model of modernization of society and the State has been attracting the attention of scholars and politicians around the world for almost a century as a unique example of a Muslim country whose political system is based on the Western principles of secularism and democratic rule. The key factors influencing Turkey's relations with the European Union, including domestic political processes, democratic reforms, and the impact of foreign policy ambitions, are studied. The process of gradual change in Turkey's priorities for European integration is analyzed, which is partly due to internal political transformations and the changed geopolitical situation. Particular attention is paid to the changes in the political discourse since the early 2000s, in particular in the context of the strengthening of the Justice and Development Party's power. The author argues that Turkey's dependence on the EU is decreasing, as a result of which European integration is gradually receding into the background compared to other foreign policy and national interests. It is proved that the study of the socio-political discourse on Turkey's European integration is necessary to understand how this process affects political decisions, public consciousness and the international image of Turkey. Thus, Turkey's European integration process faces a number of challenges, including cultural and religious differences between Turkey and the EU, domestic political problems such as repression and restrictions on democratic freedoms, and geopolitical differences over Turkey's foreign policy. Turkey prioritizes its national interests, which include economic growth, political stability, and strengthening its position in the international arena: European integration is an important, but not the only strategic direction for Turkey.</p> Oksana Memish Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 154 158 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.25 DENG XIAOPING’S REFORMS AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/596 <p>This article analyzes Deng Xiaoping’s reforms and their influence on the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE).The reforms initiated by Deng in China after 1978 marked a pivotal moment in the country’s economic transformation, transitioning from a centrally planned economy to a market-oriented model, which facilitated China’s integration into the global economy. However, the impact of these changes was not limited to domestic economic and political processes.Specifically, Deng Xiaoping’s policy of “Reform and Opening Up” had a significant influence on the countries of CEE, which, following the collapse of communist regimes in the late 1980s, were undergoing transitions from centrally planned economies to market-based systems.The article examines how, after Deng’s reforms, China became an important economic and political player for the CEE countries. It explores aspects such as economic cooperation, strengthening trade ties, infrastructure investments, and diplomatic engagement between China and the region. Special attention is given to China’s strategic interests in CEE, including its use of economic influence to reduce Russia’s dominance, enhance cooperation with the European Union, and create new opportunities for the development of Central and Eastern European regions through Chinese investments and trade.By analyzing the historical context and development of China’s relations with CEE countries, the article underscores the importance of Deng Xiaoping’s policies in establishing long-term economic ties, which have become an integral part of China’s global strategy today. Thus, the article highlights Deng’s legacy in the context of international relations and his influence on the political and economic landscape of Central and Eastern Europe.</p> Stanislav Naumov Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 159 162 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.26 THE POPULATION, SOCIAL STRUCTURE, AND EMPLOYMENT OF THE POLISH COMMUNITY IN RIVNE AT THE END OF THE 19TH – BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURY http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/597 <p>This article, based on sources and literature, examines the population size, social structure, and employment of the Polish community in Rivne at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century. It has been established that the Polish community of Rivne comprised only 6.77% of the total city population. The vast majority of Poles in Rivne were Roman Catholics. It was found that more than half of Rivne's Polish population was literate. A significant number of Polish community members, especially men, were unmarried, indicating a crisis in marital and family relations among Rivne’s Poles. The inability to find a spouse within the small Polish community of the city forced them to seek partners among Rivne’s residents of other religious affiliations.Since the late 19th century, internal migration had become the main source of population growth in Volyn’s urban areas. Among Rivne’s residents, natives of Volyn predominated, with those from Rivne County making up more than 37%.Only one-third of Rivne’s population consisted of natives from other provinces of the European part of the Russian Empire and the Privislinsky Krai. A relatively small share of Rivne’s population were foreign subjects, the vast majority of whom were citizens of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.In the social structure of Rivne’s Polish community, peasants prevailed, followed by townspeople, and then members of the nobility. According to the 1897 All-Russian Census, one in four members of Rivne’s Polish community was employed in domestic service, with a particularly high employment rate in this sector among women. Polish men were engaged in all economic sectors without exception, but the largest numbers were recorded in military service, industry, and crafts.The census data also indicated a relatively small number of Poles in Rivne working in public service.</p> Tetiana Omelchak Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 163 169 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.27 JAPAN: PROGRESS FROM ISOLATION AND TRADITIONALISM TO GLOBALIZING UNITY OF CULTURES http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/599 <p>Japan is one of those countries that, while taking care of preserving cultural traditions, is simultaneously moving towards transformational changes, successfully combining innovations with national identity, and integrating into the modern globalized world without losing its national color. In fact, this transformational progress of Japan began in the late 60s of the nineteenth century, during the Meiji Ishin period. Despite the socio-political transformations of this period, Japan remained a monocultural country until the end of World War II. The explosive economic growth in Japan between 1945 and 1989, although it caused fundamental changes in Japanese society, did not undermine the foundations of corporatism and hierarchical social relations. Nevertheless, the Japanese state managed to make an extraordinary leap in cultural modernization since the end of the twentieth century.Paving the way for cultural expansion, Japan resorts to the use of the most modern technologies, finding new forms to promote and bring its own national culture to the world markets. Among the most common forms of cultural expansion used by Japan is the active promotion and popularization of Japanese national culture in the world with emphasis on its traditions and uniqueness. In practice, Japanese cultural expansion was carried out through the organization and holding of festivals of Japanese traditional music, the creation of Japanese cultural centers, the promotion of Japanese art, music and cinema, and the provision of government grants for research on topics related to Japanese history, economy, culture, and literature. The conclusions state that the uniqueness and originality of national cultures in the modern world is becoming a resource in demand by the world. Japan, which is the subject of this article, is a vivid example of a country that has come a long and difficult way from isolation and traditionalism to openness and cultural empowerment. Japan's undoubted achievement along the way has been the preservation of its national identity and cultural uniqueness</p> Liudmyla Strelchuk Anatolii Tkachuk Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 170 174 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.28 COMPARISON OF THE FIRST PRESIDENTS OF THE CZECH REPUBLIC AND SLOVAKIA AFTER THE “VELVET DIVORCE”: A PROSOPOGRAPHICAL ANALYSIS http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/602 <p>This article analyzes the life path of the first two presidents of the Czech and Slovak Republics – V. Havel and M. Kovacs. With the help of prosopographic, as well as comparative methods, the author analyzed the activities of the first two future presidents of the Czech and Slovak Republics. In this article, the principle of historicism is significant, in particular, the conditions for the formation of both future presidents as personalities and specialists in their fields during the post-war occupation Soviet regime on the territory of Czechoslovakia. The article notes that the activities of the occupying Soviet administration, especially after the introduction of troops into Czechoslovakia in 1968, further encouraged, rather than reduced, the politicization of public sentiments, of which V. Havel was an active exponent in Prague, and later M. Kovács in Bratislava. V. Havel's creative activity in the field of dramaturgy increasingly acquired a political character, in particular after the events of 1968 in Prague. His underground struggle against the occupying Soviet authorities was more radical and frank after these revolutionary events, for which he was subsequently sentenced to five years in prison. After the “Velvet Revolution” of 1989, V. Havel was elected president of the joint Czech and Slovak Federal Republics, and after their divisions, he became the first President of the Czech Republic twice in a row (1993–2003). M. Kováč, being a professional banker and lecturer, was elected Chairman of the Federal Assembly after the parliamentary elections in 1992. The following year (after the division of one state into two), he became the President of the Slovak Republic (1993–1998). The first elected presidents of the Czech Republic (V. Havel) and the Slovak Republic (M. Kováč) took a course towards building sovereign democratic republics with market economies and an external political orientation towards the EU and NATO.</p> Andrii Khomych Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 175 179 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.29 TRANSFORMATION AND EVOLUTION OF CULTURAL TRADITIONS OF JAPAN: FROM THE MEIJI PERIOD (1868–1912) TO THE PRESENT DAY http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/603 <p>The article analyzes the specifics of the transformation process and the evolution of Japan's cultural traditions – starting from the Meiji period (1868–1912) and up to the present day. The Meiji period became an important stage in the development of Japanese society, because the country, having overcome centuries of self-isolation, moved to the stage of active modernization, the introduction of Western technologies, administrative reforms and social changes. At the same time, there was a gradual adaptation of established customs and traditions to new conditions; they did not disappear, but, having undergone a process of rethinking, gradually integrated into a new socio-cultural reality. The article analyzes the impact of the modernization processes of the Meiji period on various spheres of Japanese culture, in particular education, art, literature, religion, etc. Special attention is paid to the impact of Shintoism and Buddhism on the formation of national cultural identity, the change in the status of the samurai class and the impact of the latter on the formation of the modern cultural code of Japan. The article also notes the further stages of the development of Japanese culture in the 20th–21st centuries, in particular the period after World War II, which was marked for Japan by an economic boom and increased integration into the world community. The processes that influenced the formation of modern cultural traditions of Japan as a symbiosis of the traditional and innovative are outlined. The impact of globalization processes on the traditional arts of Japan is also analyzed, including Noh theater, Kabuki, tea ceremony, ikebana. Special attention is paid to the development of Japanese cuisine and national clothing. The emphasis is on the popularization of Japanese cultural traditions in the world, in particular through the phenomenon of “cultural export”, which was reflected in the spread of anime, manga, Japanese fashion, design and cuisine beyond the borders of Japan itself. Thus, the article reflects a comprehensive analysis of the transformation and evolution of Japan's cultural traditions over the past centuries, reflecting that Japan has not only been able to preserve its identity, but also to achieve a balance in combining traditions and innovations.</p> Anna Sheremeta Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 180 184 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.30 POLITICAL LEADERSHIP OF THE FIRST PRESIDENTS IN THE CONDITIONS OF DEMOCRATIC TRANSIT: ON EXAMPLE OF THE BALTIC COUNTRIES http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/605 <p>The article presents a comparative and prosopographic analysis of the first presidents of the Baltic republics who led the states after the restoration of independence. The article contains biographical data of the first presidents of the Baltic countries, which allows us to understand the peculiarities of their formation as political leaders, especially in the context of their stay under Soviet occupation throughout the post-war period. The study reflects the institutional component of the presidency of the three Baltic republics, which was laid down in the adopted constitutions. The article outlines the features of the formation (elections) and the main powers of the president, provided for by the current legislation in each of the Baltic republics. The political component that influenced the election of the president, both in the ideological aspect and in the quantitative dimension, in particular – at the level of election in parliament, which is typical for the political systems of Latvia and Estonia, is separately noted. The article contains information about the features of coalition activities at the level of parliaments, as well as about the interaction of such a majority with the president, which contributed to the successful implementation of state policy. The study reflects the correlation between the party in power, the coalition majority, the government, and the president. The article also reflects the results of the activities of the first presidents in their positions, as well as their further participation in the political life of the country. This study separately mentions the progress in the actions of the first presidents towards full sovereignty of their countries by withdrawing Russian troops from the three Baltic republics. In conclusion, it is noted that the synergy of institutional and personal capacity of the first presidents of the Baltic republics, who after fifty years of Soviet occupation restored their sovereignty, with new forces and aspirations moved their states towards democracy, a market economy, the EU and NATO.</p> Yurii Voitenko Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 185 189 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.31 YOUTH WORKER IN THE YOUTH POLICY SYSTEM OF UKRAINE: THE PROCESS OF FORMATION, FUNCTIONS AND CHALLENGES http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/607 <p>The article analyzes the role of a youth specialist (youth worker) as one of the components of youth policy in Ukraine.The author investigates how a youth worker influences the process of forming and implementing youth policy, developing civil society, and democratizing socio-political processes. The process of official recognition and legislative consolidation of this profession is considered, in particular, international documents and national regulatory legal acts are analyzed.The paper examines the main functions of a youth worker, including: assessing the needs of youth, organizing and implementing youth work, interacting with other youth policy actors, and acting as a mediator between youth and government agencies.The main problems and challenges faced by representatives of this profession are analyzed, in particular, the low level of public recognition, low institutional support, lack of funding, and the impact of a full-scale war on the effectiveness of youth work. Particular attention is paid to the opportunities for the development of the profession in the context of European integration, strengthening the institution of democracy in Ukraine and expanding opportunities for young people to be involved in decision-making processes.The paper notes current trends in the development of youth work in Ukraine, proposes mechanisms for supporting and increasing the effectiveness of youth workers in modern conditions. Opportunities for improving working conditions are identified, in particular through international support, expanding opportunities for professional training and creating networks of active interaction. The conclusion is made about the need to strengthen state support for youth workers, improve mechanisms for their training and increase the level of their professional development. The results of the study may be useful for scientists, specialists in the field of youth policy, representatives of public organizations and local governments.</p> Iryna Yermolenko Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 190 194 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.32 THE ROLE OF SOFT POWER IN THE CONTEXT OF MODERN IDEOLOGICAL CONFRONTATION BETWEEN CHINA AND THE USA http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/608 <p>The article examines the specifics of the use of soft power strategies by the United States and China in the context of the ideological struggle and competition for leadership in the international arena in the post-bipolar era. It is argued that in the conditions of confrontation at the information-psychological and especially cognitive levels of influence, both states use rather aggressive models of «soft» influence, both on neutral actors and on actors who are allies and partners of each other. The author shares his thoughts on the effectiveness of certain approaches and means of competing states, and also analyzes them within the framework of a SWOT analysis.Considering the experience of using soft power by the United States, the author notes the problem of the lack of new approaches and practices to the use of non-military methods of influence, which is necessary for a state claiming the status of a single superpower of our time. The emergence of new challenges and threats that hinder the stable dominance of the United States, such as the emergence of new geopolitical players claiming this role, an unbalanced foreign policy towards the Middle East, the lack of democratization processes in the former USSR member states and the lack of balance in the production of soft and hard power between the United States and partner countries have inevitably led to a crisis of the idea of t he liberal world order.Analyzing the capabilities of the soft power of China in the context of ideological confrontation, the author concludes about the lack of its flexibility. It is due to such factors as the lack of a developed and multilateral network of agents of the soft power of China, as well as its obvious internal focus. In addition, the self-discrediting of China in the field of ensuring the rights and freedoms of citizens, as well as its perception as a threat in the region and the world, which is certainly due to securitization by the US, does not allow the leader of the Asia region to establish trusting relationships with foreign audiences. At the same time, the article notes the high potential in the creation and generation of soft power of China, as the only alternative to the Americanization of the world.</p> Svitlana Konstantynyuk Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 195 201 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.33 SIGNS OF STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP: THE CASE OF UKRAINE AND THE USA http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/610 <p>The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the foreign policy dimensions of strategic partnership signs, using the case of Ukraine and the United States as an example. It highlights the lack of consensus and scientifically developed foundations for defining certain actors as “strategic partners”, as well as challenges in formulating and prioritizing specific signs within the paradigm of strategic partnership in political science research.The methodological framework of the study incorporates political linguistics, political science theory, geostrategy, hermeneutic analysis, and game theory. The article identifies various forms of political interaction, including strategic partnership, partnership relations, pragmatic relations, and practical cooperation. A clear set of characteristics defining strategic partnership is established.The study demonstrates that significant geostrategic differences exist among current strategic partners, particularly concerning shared values, attitudes toward Ukraine, perceptions of its role, and approaches to ensuring lasting and sustainable and resilience peace. Additionally, it examines the issue of holding international criminals of the Russian regime accountable for war crimes committed against Ukraine. It is noted that the coalition of interests and the coalition of actions do not always align, which, according to game theory, reduces the functional benefits of strategic cooperation. Through hermeneutic and political-legal linguistic methods, numerous inconsistencies in strategic legislative acts defining Ukraine's foreign policy are identified, illustrating the ambiguity of criteria used to designate a particular international actor as a strategic partner. By analyzing Ukraine’s interactions with the United States, Turkey, and China, the study highlights the multifaceted nature of foreign policy engagements while distinguishing them from strategic partnerships. This distinction is drawn by establishing clear “red lines” for partners based on specific signs and characteristics that qualify them as strategic partners for Ukraine.The formulation of strategic partnership characteristics allows for the conclusion that strategic relations should be directed toward the realization of Ukraine’s national interests, rooted in national values, with the objective of strengthening Ukrainian statehood and national identity, ensuring territorial integrity, the inviolability of state borders, national sovereignty, and independence, as well as recognizing and respecting Ukraine’s international subjectivity and sovereign equality. The article proposes the legitimization of the most essential characteristics of strategic partnership within the updated Strategy of Ukraine’s Foreign Policy.</p> Volodymyr Lipkan Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 202 208 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.34 PROTEST MOVEMENTS AGAINST THE BAN OF THE FLAG IN NORTHERN IRELAND IN THE CONTEXT OF IRISH IDENTITY ISSUES http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/611 <p>The article analyses the protests against symbols, in particular the flag, in the context of the problem of Northern Irish identity. It is substantiated that the protests against the removal of the “Union Jack” flag of Great Britain, which took place in late 2012 and early 2013, attracted the attention of international media, political scientists and the public.Much of the attention was focused on the involvement of young people and attempts to find answers to the question of how young people who grew up in more peaceful times could be involved in violence that belongs to Northern Ireland’s past.The analysis of the anti-symbol protests organised by young people in post-conflict Belfast provided a clearer picture of the factors that led to the unrest and violence, as well as the implications of these protests for the peace process and stability on the island of Ireland.It is shown that during the week, mass protests, accompanied by riots and violence, took place in different parts of Northern Ireland against the decision of the Belfast City Council to remove the Union Jack flag from its permanent place in the city hall. It is alleged that some acts of violence were organised by paramilitaries. It is argued that the community of Protestants, Unionists and Loyalists (PUL) oppose the new restrictions on the display of the “Union Jack” flag in Belfast City Hall and in 2012–2013 held numerous protests throughout Northern Ireland. Representatives of the Catholic, Nationalist and Republican (CNR) community in Belfast City Council wanted to remove the “Union Jack” flag completely, but eventually voted in favour of a compromise by the non-denominational Alliance party, which would allow the flag to be flown on certain days. The city council voted to fly the flag only on 18 designated days. Unionists believe that the changes to the “Union Jack” flag are an assault on their cultural identity, and protests have taken place in various parts of Northern Ireland since it was removed.It is proved that the protests against the flag took place in the context of the peace process and peacebuilding in Northern Ireland. While the previous manifestations of unionist discontent took place during the Troubles, the protests against the removal and banning of the flag occurred at a time when significant diplomatic successes were achieved and interfaith and political reconciliation took place. The events that took place before and after the decision to fly the British flag over Belfast City Hall were a reminder of how different understandings of what is ‘right’ can lead to hostility, even if a decision is made by a majority vote. The flag issue has exposed the contradictions that exist in society.On the one hand, it is a matter of faith in constitutional values, and on the other, it is a matter of striving for equality. This vicious circle of problems remains difficult to overcome.</p> Marianna Marusynets Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 209 220 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.35 THE ORIGINS OF POLITICAL IDEAS OF CREATING UKRAINIAN STATEHOOD “IN THE RUS' TRADITION” IN UKRAINIAN POLITICAL THOUGHT http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/612 <p>Ukrainian political thought, which has been formed over the centuries, is an integral part of the spiritual, intellectual culture of humanity. Without the past there is no future, therefore, turning to the positions of the past allows one to orient oneself in space and time, to find one's place in the present and the future. Today's Ukraine as a state has inherited the traditions of the socio-political life of the peoples who at one time appeared and lived on its territory and created their state associations there. An interesting fact was the “Great Greek colonization” and the process of development of the Northern Black Sea region, the influence of Greek policies on the political development of the East Slavic tribes. The first political associations (proto-states) on the territory of Ukraine appeared in the steppes of the Northern Black Sea region, about which Herodotus, who himself visited this region, provides the most detailed information. The defining, fundamental idea of Ukrainian socio-political thought is freedom, justice, goodness, truth – the basis on which the demands for national independence, social liberation and the establishment of a just democratic system grow. With the emergence of the state and law in the Russian land, the first literary works appeared – “words”, “instructions”, “sermons”, “patericons”, “tales”, “prayers”, etc. The leading idea was the idea of unifying the appanage principalities around the throne of the Grand Duke of Kyiv, overcoming fragmentation.A specific feature of the formation of socio-political thought and legal doctrines in Kievan Rus was the beginning of theoretical traditions of affirming views on the origin of the state and princely power, the relationship between the church and the state, the integrity and sovereignty of political power. The state-legal and political traditions of Ancient Rus were continued for a century by the Volyn-Galician state (principality, kingdom), which was a large state-political formation that became the main political center of the Ukrainian lands in the west. After the decline of the Volyn-Galician state, the advance of the Lithuanians to Volyn, the Dnieper region, Chernihiv-Severshchyna, Podolia grumbled. It was a medieval feudal federation that inherited from Kievan Rus and the Galicia-Volyn state the institutions of state and law, the judicial system, legal proceedings, language, military and administrative organization, in which the Ukrainian principalities enjoyed broad autonomy.</p> Halyna Panyshko Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 221 226 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.36 TRENDS IN THE ELECTION OF CLERGY TO DISTRICT COUNCILS (THE CASE OF VOLYN REGION) http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/614 <p>This study examines the trends in clergy participation in district council elections as candidates for deputies.The research covers all sixteen districts of Volyn region that existed before the 2020 administrative-territorial reform and were subsequently consolidated into four. Chronologically, the study spans the period of Ukraine’s independence, beginning with the first democratic convocation in 1990 and concluding with the first elections of district council deputies held on October 25, 2020, under the new territorial structure.Sociological surveys indicate that the church has traditionally maintained a high level of public trust throughout Ukraine’s independence. This has contributed to increased trust in the clergy, whose public activities can also take on a public-administrative dimension, making the topic of scientific interest. The study explores the dynamics of clergy participation in electoral campaigns for regional-level local self-government bodies.Notably, in the 1990 election campaign, clergy members in the region did not attempt to secure deputy mandates. One of the reasons for this political inactiveness was the separation of church and state during the Soviet period. However, the election of a metropolitan as a member of the Verkhovna Rada in March 1990 demonstrated a certain readiness among church representatives to engage in national-level political life.The peak of clergy political activity at the district level occurred in 2002. The following two convocations of district councils were also marked by significant clergy participation. However, by the 2010 elections, the number of elected clergy members had almost halved. This decline in political activity was likely influenced by a general decrease in public trust in government institutions, the growing dominance of political parties in regional governance processes, and, consequently, the reluctance of clergy candidates to associate with political organizations that had monopolized the nomination process for district council elections.</p> Vasyl Pakholok Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 227 231 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.37 LEGISLATIVE ASPECTS OF GOVERNANCE OF CULTURAL INDUSTRIES OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA: EXPERIENCE FOR UKRAINE http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/615 <p>The article analyzes the regulatory framework of the Republic of Korea concerning cultural industries, namely, the emphasis is on legislation on the music, film, literary industries and related issues. The author emphasizes the role of cultural industries as an important factor in the national economy, a tool for forming national identity and a means of international influence. The study examines the regulatory framework of South Korea, which covers key sectors of cultural industries, in particular the music, film and literary spheres. The article shows that systematic state policy and clear legislative support in Korea contribute to the development of cultural business, the international promotion of national cultural products and the formation of a positive image of the country on the world stage. The main laws regulating cultural industries in the Republic of Korea are: the Framework Act on the Promotion of Cultural Industries, the Cultural Charter, laws on the Promotion of International Cultural Exchange and copyright. At the same time, the legislation regulates individual cultural industries, in particular music, film, and literature.The author emphasizes the importance of a comprehensive regulatory framework and public administration to increase the competitiveness of cultural products and the formation of a positive international image. It is emphasized that Ukraine should take into account the experience of Korea, especially in the issues of comprehensive legislative regulation of cultural industries, the creation of an effective institutional support system, the protection of the rights of artists and consumers, as well as the development of the infrastructure of the cultural sector. The introduction of such approaches in Ukraine will allow to increase the importance of cultural industries in the national economy, will contribute to the popularization of Ukrainian culture abroad and the improvement of the international image of the state.</p> Hennady Kazakov Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 232 237 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.38 UKRAINE’S SELF-GOVERNMENT UNDER CONDITIONS OF THE WAR: THE ADAPTATION TO NEW CHALLENGES http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/617 <p>The article explores the peculiarities of local self-government in Ukraine under wartime conditions, shaped by the introduction of martial law, the centralization of decision-making, and the transformation of democratic participation mechanisms. It analyzes how decentralization reform has influenced the resilience of territorial communities and their ability to ensure vital functions during a crisis. The study examines the challenges of coordination between state authorities and local self-government bodies. The article highlights key demographic, economic, social, and political challenges faced by local communities, including restrictions on electoral rights, declining civic engagement, risks of excessive centralization, and the potential consequences of such processes for post-war recovery. The prospects for using digital technologies to enhance transparency in local governance, the role of civil society in public governance restoration, and mechanisms for strengthening community participation in decision-making processes are outlined. The study concludes that maintaining democratic processes in the country requires flexible mechanisms to balance security needs with the principles of decentralization. A set of policy recommendations for optimizing local self-government is proposed, including expanding community autonomy, strengthening their financial capacity, developing e-governance, increasing civic participation in governance processes, and actively promoting civic education as a tool for enhancing political culture and public awareness of democratic procedures. It is determined that the preservation and strengthening of local self-government institutions are among the key elements of Ukraine’s post-war recovery and its integration into the European economic, political, and security space.</p> Anatoliy Kruglashov Serhiy Shvydiuk Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 238 246 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.39 PROSPECTIVE DIRECTIONS OF IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PHILOSOPHY OF BUSINESS PROCESS INNOVATION BY FOOD INDUSTRY ENTERPRISES IN THE CONTEXT OF DIGITALIZATION http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/619 <p>The article provides a detailed examination of the features and opportunities for implementing an innovative management approach in the context of the digital transformation of the food industry. It analyzes key aspects, models, and mechanisms that can ensure the effective integration of digital technologies into industry processes. Significant attention is paid to promising directions for developing the philosophy of business process innovation, particularly the application of sustainable development concepts and digital platforms for coordinating industry innovations.The article highlights several challenges faced by food industry enterprises during digital transformation. Special focus is given to two main management models: “Innovative Ecosystems” and “Agile Management Models”. The first model involves creating an environment for interaction between enterprises, research institutions, and startups, enabling the exchange of knowledge and intellectual resources. The second model, Agile Management, emphasizes adaptation to rapidly changing environments through iterative testing and risk minimization. Based on the analysis, the article concludes that comprehensive state support is necessary to create favorable conditions for the digitalization of the food industry. It is recommended that government policy include funding for innovative projects and startups, as well as the development of regulatory frameworks to ensure the standardization of technologies and facilitate the integration of digital solutions at all industry levels. State support is particularly crucial for developing innovation infrastructure, such as incubators, technology support centers, and research laboratories, which will provide access to advanced resources, expert assistance, and financing for enterprises of various scales. The article also proposes recommendations for fostering active collaboration between businesses, research institutions, and educational organizations to create innovative ecosystems that will drive the development of new technologies and products while supplying the industry with qualified professionals. Cooperation with educational institutions will ensure workforce training in skills related to big data analytics, artificial intelligence, IoT, and other key digital technologies. Such training will help the food industry not only improve management efficiency but also ensure sustainable development in the digital economy.In conclusion, the article emphasizes that overcoming barriers to implementing digital technologies will promote the creation of innovation infrastructure and ecosystems where enterprises of all sizes will have equal opportunities for development.</p> Oleksandr Oliіnyk Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 247 255 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.40 THE PRACTICE OF LEADER STATES IN ENSURING NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE ENERGY SECTOR http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/622 <p>The article studies the practice of leader states in ensuring national security in the energy sector through the lens of public administration mechanisms with an additional complex analysis of the problem in light of the energy security of a state.The author carries out an analysis of theoretical and professional grounds for security understanding of the imperative of national energy security of the leader states in the context of examining the meta-system of the country’s national security.The study thoroughly examines the conceptual understanding and essence of the states’ national-level energy security and outlines risks and threats to the energy systems of leader states in the conditions of constant changes in functionality. The author emphasizes the necessity to prepare grounds for the concept of theoretical and practical basis of implementing the dynamic and adaptive mechanism to ensure energy security amid the global transformational processes and redistribution of the world’s political influences between hegemon states. The study identifies the need to establish interstate connections in the processes of international cooperation and exchange of experience in supporting each state’s national energy security.This work illustrates a range of countries, which, according to the rates of energy and fuel production and consumption, are leader states (according to their location) in ensuring state security in the energy sector. The World Energy Trilemma-2023 rates are considered, which helps to objectively demonstrate the accomplishments of the progressive national energy sectors of leader states on the basis of information, analyzed within the World Energy Council.The study explores various approaches and principles of realization of security strategic programs and the staples of energy security policies of the key leader states in different parts of the world (namely Europe, America and Asia) and of the hegemon states who have global energy impact on the world, on the example of the European Union, the United States of America and the People’s Republic of China.The scientific novelty of the study lies in illustrating the basis of administrative factors (components) of building the effective policy of a leader state’s own national energy security in the conditions of ongoing transformational processes of establishing the new energy system of global interstate cooperation. Furthermore, the author provides a proper definition for the term “leader state in the energy sector of national lever security” (a country that has an efficient and sustainable balanced energy system with an elaborate security management mechanism that provides an unlimited field of action at the global level for interstate energy cooperation through the instruments of official and secret diplomacy to defend, push and promote the national interests of the state's energy policy in the spheres of interests of other countries, which in the final analysis is represented by its own world hegemony in the energy sector).</p> Oleksandr Saliuk-Kravchenko Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 256 265 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.41 PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF ENERGY POLICY IN UKRAINE FROM THE VIEW OF NATIONAL SECURITY http://litopys.volyn.ua/index.php/litopys/article/view/623 <p>The article is devoted to research of actual problems and prospects of development of energy policy of Ukraine from the point of view of national security. The key challenges arising from dependence on imported energy carriers, deterioration of energy infrastructure, insufficient level of development of renewable energy sources and uneven energy development of regions are considered. The author analyzes in detail the influence of these factors on the socio-economic stability of the country and its energy security.It has been found that the main barriers to the stable development of the energy sector are insufficient level of infrastructure modernization, limited financing, low investment attractiveness and lack of long-term state strategy.It is determined that a key role in ensuring energy security is played by the introduction of innovative technologies such as Smart Grid, as well as the development of renewable energy sources. The author focuses on the problems of energy corruption, which weakens the regulation of the industry, creates an imbalance in the market and reduces the confidence of international partners.It justifies prospective directions of improvement of energy policy of Ukraine, including diversification of sources of energy carriers supply, integration into European energy markets, creation of an effective regulatory and legal framework for supporting innovations in the energy sector. Measures for the development of renewable energy sources have been proposed, such as state programs to stimulate investment, finance green energy projects and optimize the regulatory environment. The importance of state support for thermo-modernization and introduction of energy-efficient technologies in industry and the residential sector is emphasized. Special attention should be paid to the issue of Ukraine's integration into European energy systems, which opens access to ENTSO-E and contributes to the stability of electricity supply. Connecting to a pan-European network is seen as a strategic step to reduce dependence on monopoly suppliers and increase energy independence. The article emphasizes that the creation of a transparent energy market and the strengthening of state control over the energy infrastructure are critical for overcoming the challenges in this area.</p> Tykhon Yarovoi Copyright (c) 2025-05-27 2025-05-27 32 266 271 10.32782/2305-9389/2025.32.42